1
   

Libertarian Party

 
 
Scrat
 
  1  
Reply Thu 25 Mar, 2004 09:53 pm
joefromchicago wrote:
Government is indeed a monopoly, but with one important difference: citizens have rights as against the government. Apart from contractual rights, what rights would a citizen in a libertarian society have as against a monopolist?

(Forgive me for jumping in here, but it's the first place where I think I might have a point worthy of inserting...)
Ah! But what rights do we really have where the monopolistic aspects of government are felt? If I don't like the terms of Social Security, can I choose to not be involved in the plan and find a different retirement fund that I like better? No. If government weren't allowed to act as a monopoly in this way, wouldn't I be freer and better off? I think so.
0 Replies
 
Craven de Kere
 
  1  
Reply Thu 25 Mar, 2004 09:56 pm
Freedom is a tricky thing, more liberty can mean less freedom.

e.g. I've lived in nations with many more liberties than the US, but the people lived with bars in their windows.

IMO, libertarians often fail to consider that securing more individual liberties can make a people less free.
0 Replies
 
Scrat
 
  1  
Reply Thu 25 Mar, 2004 09:57 pm
Craven de Kere wrote:
IMO, libertarians often fail to consider that securing more individual liberties can make a people less free.

Less free, or more responsible for their own welfare?
0 Replies
 
Craven de Kere
 
  1  
Reply Thu 25 Mar, 2004 10:03 pm
Less free, because others have more freedom to infringe on theirs.
0 Replies
 
Scrat
 
  1  
Reply Thu 25 Mar, 2004 10:23 pm
Craven de Kere wrote:
Less free, because others have more freedom to infringe on theirs.

Okay, let me explore this in another way...
Craven de Kere wrote:
IMO, libertarians often fail to consider that securing more individual liberties can make a people less free.

Can you cite a specific individual liberty advocated by (for simplicity's sake) the Libertarian Party (http://www.lp.org/) that you believe, once secured, would make others "less free"?
0 Replies
 
Craven de Kere
 
  1  
Reply Thu 25 Mar, 2004 11:20 pm
One man's liberty is another man's death Scrat. We are unlikely to agree even on what constitutes liberty as we are likely to differ in desired liberties. Furthermore we are unlikely to agree on the consequences of libertarian policy. I happen to consider most of their notions of the effect of their proposed policy to be really naive but I'm sure they do not share this notion.

So instead of getting into the hypotheticals with them I pointed out the fallacy of "more freedom" and explained that it's an exchange and not an increase and the perception of increase is due to the nearly universal popularity of some freedoms. Because of the nearly universally perceived values of certain freedoms "more freedom" has a valid application in practice but is a fallacy in a strict sense and the reasons why bear remembering when one touts a policy of "more freedom".

Besides the arguability that specific acts would indeed result in specific freedoms the realization that it's always an exchange for other freedoms is important.

To use a purposefully silly example:

I'd like to have the liberty of knowing that my government will tax its citizens at a rate that allows it to maintain its current services.

I would like to be "free" from worry that the libertarian party (whose policies are so idiotic that I thought it was a parody site the first time I read it) will be able to secure their ideals.

Or if you want a more serious example: the "no taxes" idiocy that the American Libertarian party espouses would in all likelihood eliminate most of the societal measures in place that secure my current freedoms.

In any case, I didn't initially argue that the libertarian party's policy would, in fact, erode specific freedoms and I neglected to do so because that usually means arguing against what I consider frustratingly naive hypotheticals with them.

The point was quite a simple one, all freedoms come at the expense of another freedom.

For example, one's freedom to do whatever one wants could plausibly interfere with your freedom to live.

One's freedom to fail to pay taxes could prevent the society from being able to secure another individual against the molestation of their freedoms.

I don't really want to get into specifics about the Libertarian party, I'd have a hard time discussing the party seriously because I, in all sincerity, think their policies laughably absurd. so my comment was a meta comment about the fallacy of increasing freedom.

The point I'm making is that all freedoms are an exchange for other corresponding freedoms (admittedly often of different perceived value).

The notion of "more freedoms" is a fallacy in a purely logical sense. What it really means is more of the desired freedoms.

Since there are many freedoms that are almost universally desired the notion of "more freedom" has valid practical application. For example, eliminating the freedom to kill others is a very popular restriction of freedom because of the nearly universal desire for the freedom to live.

But it's important to remember that in logical reality it represents an exchange and not an increase and despite the values attached to certain freedoms the underlying reality must be realized.

Libertarians don't want "more freedom" they want "more of the freedoms that they want". For the most part they are probably freedoms that most humans want, with the real point of contention being whether their means are naive or would actyually secure them. But the underlying reality needs to be kept in mind. It's always an exchange and hopefully more people will get what they want, making a legitimate use for the false notion of "more freedom".
0 Replies
 
Thomas
 
  1  
Reply Fri 26 Mar, 2004 01:42 am
joefromchicago wrote:
You presume a bell-curve distribution of rationality. I see no reason to accept that.

The reason is that it's the best guess we can make unless we have any particular reason to assume another distribution. You haven't given me any such reason.

joefromchicago wrote:
That may very well be true, Thomas, but that's irrelevant to the discussion: we're not talking about the failure to regulate monopolies in a regulated market, we're talking about the effect of monopolies in an unregulated market.

Yes; and I'm saying that the effects of monopolies in an unregulated market is no worse than the effects of the government regulations intended to curb them. How is that irrelevant to our discussion?

joefromchicago wrote:
Government is indeed a monopoly, but with one important difference: citizens have rights as against the government. Apart from contractual rights, what rights would a citizen in a libertarian society have as against a monopolist?

And what kind of rights do modern Americans have against their government? Some think they are contractual rights arising from an abstract concept called the social contract -- which is symmetrical to the monopolist in the market. Others think that these rights are given to citizens by the lawmakers in the government -- there's no reason why a market monopolist would be less willing do this than a government monopolist would. Yet others think that people have these rights against the government simply because they've faught for them and won the fight. Again, no reason why this wouldn't work against a malicious market monopolist.
0 Replies
 
joefromchicago
 
  1  
Reply Fri 26 Mar, 2004 09:44 am
Craven: Thanks. I was beginning to think that no one besides Thomas and me were looking at this thread.

Scrat wrote:
(Forgive me for jumping in here, but it's the first place where I think I might have a point worthy of inserting...)

I encourage everyone to participate.

twyvel wrote:
Ah! But what rights do we really have where the monopolistic aspects of government are felt? If I don't like the terms of Social Security, can I choose to not be involved in the plan and find a different retirement fund that I like better? No. If government weren't allowed to act as a monopoly in this way, wouldn't I be freer and better off? I think so.

If you don't like social security you can always get enough people who agree with you to vote it out of existence. Of course, there may be some practical difficulties involved in that scheme (e.g. most people don't agree with you), but at least it remains a theoretical possibility in a representative democracy.

Contrast that to a situation in an unregulated marketplace where a monopolist (let's say a gasoline retailer) charges prices that you deem to be excessive. What right do you have to buy the product at a more reasonable price?
0 Replies
 
joefromchicago
 
  1  
Reply Fri 26 Mar, 2004 09:57 am
Thomas wrote:
joefromchicago wrote:
You presume a bell-curve distribution of rationality. I see no reason to accept that.

The reason is that it's the best guess we can make unless we have any particular reason to assume another distribution. You haven't given me any such reason.

Nor do I have to. It's your model, it's your job to provide the support.

Thomas wrote:
Yes; and I'm saying that the effects of monopolies in an unregulated market is no worse than the effects of the government regulations intended to curb them. How is that irrelevant to our discussion?

That's an odd way to defend a position. In effect, you're saying that, since the alternative is no worse, there is no reason not to adopt it. Rather than identifying its common flaws, why not point out its unique benefits?

Thomas wrote:
And what kind of rights do modern Americans have against their government?

There is neither the time nor the space to list them all.

Thomas wrote:
Some think they are contractual rights arising from an abstract concept called the social contract -- which is symmetrical to the monopolist in the market.

Not quite. After all, certain rights under a social contract theory are inalienable. In contrast, I have never seen a compelling argument explaining why any civic rights in a libertarian society would be inalienable.

Thomas wrote:
Others think that these rights are given to citizens by the lawmakers in the government -- there's no reason why a market monopolist would be less willing do this than a government monopolist would.

Are you suggesting that a rational monopolist would be willing to give up part of its monopoly power for nothing?

Thomas wrote:
Yet others think that people have these rights against the government simply because they've faught for them and won the fight. Again, no reason why this wouldn't work against a malicious market monopolist.

I'm not sure what kind of rights theory you're referring to here, but I don't know why a rational monopolist would cede gratis any of its monopoly power to consumers/citizens.
0 Replies
 
dlowan
 
  1  
Reply Sat 27 Mar, 2004 10:18 pm
bm
0 Replies
 
Craven de Kere
 
  1  
Reply Sat 27 Mar, 2004 10:19 pm
Dammit, I keep going to see what dlowan posted and got 6 bm's in a row. I'll stop checking now.
0 Replies
 
dlowan
 
  1  
Reply Sat 27 Mar, 2004 10:27 pm
Sorry. I know it is annoying - clearing the decks to do some portal stuff - I will post properly later...
0 Replies
 
Craven de Kere
 
  1  
Reply Sat 27 Mar, 2004 10:29 pm
It's actually the first time the BM thing has ever really annoyed me. I think you just did like 20 of them and I got suckered into checking to see if you'd said anything each time.

But the good thing is that I'm commited to making a technological way to make it unecessary now.
0 Replies
 
dlowan
 
  1  
Reply Sat 27 Mar, 2004 10:58 pm
goody - I think...
0 Replies
 
Thomas
 
  1  
Reply Mon 29 Mar, 2004 11:07 am
joefromchicago wrote:
Thomas wrote:
Yes; and I'm saying that the effects of monopolies in an unregulated market is no worse than the effects of the government regulations intended to curb them. How is that irrelevant to our discussion?

That's an odd way to defend a position. In effect, you're saying that, since the alternative is no worse, there is no reason not to adopt it. Rather than identifying its common flaws, why not point out its unique benefits?

Okay, if I put it in those terms, the unique benefits of leaving monopolies unregulated (or much less regulated than today) would be 1) The option to exploit economies of scale in production, which benefits everyone. 2) The impossibility for competitive-market competitors to fight their competition in anti-trust trials instead of in the marketplace. 3) The reduction in regulatory overhead.

But I prefer to just say:"Yes, monopoly power under laissez-faire is a problem. But it's not a problem worth solving, given the cost of solving it." What's so wrong with that?

joefromchicago wrote:
Thomas wrote:
Some think they are contractual rights arising from an abstract concept called the social contract -- which is symmetrical to the monopolist in the market.

Not quite. After all, certain rights under a social contract theory are inalienable.

I think your terminology is imprecise here. The term "rights" is used both as a positive and a normative sense. In the normative sense, the rights of individuals against government are the same as their rights against their lawmaking agency in the anarcho-capitalist marketplace would be. In a positive sense, your statement is simply untrue. In reality, the rights of women and blacks have proven quite alienable until at least the 1970s.

joefromchicago wrote:
In contrast, I have never seen a compelling argument explaining why any civic rights in a libertarian society would be inalienable.

What libertarian literature, if any, have you read? Apparently not Adam Smith, not John Steward Mill, not Mencken, and not Milton Friedman. All of these are libertarians who want the government to protect a short list of inalienable rights (life, liberty, property). In practice, this would mean national defense, administration of justice, and law enforcement. Neoliberals would add the central bank. Everything else, according to them, ought to be left to private initiative. The last time I checked the Statistical Abstract of the United States how much such a government would cost, the result was below 10 percent of GDP. It might be more than that now because of the recent runup in defense spending.

joefromchicago wrote:
Thomas wrote:
Others think that these rights are given to citizens by the lawmakers in the government -- there's no reason why a market monopolist would be less willing do this than a government monopolist would.

Are you suggesting that a rational monopolist would be willing to give up part of its monopoly power for nothing?

No I'm not. And I'm unaware of any government that has given up its monopoly power for nothing. Again, your point about monopolies is a valid one, but it cuts both ways. It's an argument against monopolies in government as much as it's one against monopolies in the marketplace.
0 Replies
 
joefromchicago
 
  1  
Reply Mon 29 Mar, 2004 04:04 pm
Thomas wrote:
Okay, if I put it in those terms, the unique benefits of leaving monopolies unregulated (or much less regulated than today) would be 1) The option to exploit economies of scale in production, which benefits everyone. 2) The impossibility for competitive-market competitors to fight their competition in anti-trust trials instead of in the marketplace. 3) The reduction in regulatory overhead.

And, on the down-side: (1) charging consumers monopoly prices for products; (2) using monopoly power in one market to exercise power in another, through tying arrangements or other anti-competitive devices; (3) using monopoly position to stifle innovation; (4) exploiting market power as a means to exert political power.

Thomas wrote:
But I prefer to just say:"Yes, monopoly power under laissez-faire is a problem. But it's not a problem worth solving, given the cost of solving it." What's so wrong with that?

Depends on one's priorities, I suppose.

Thomas wrote:
I think your terminology is imprecise here. The term "rights" is used both as a positive and a normative sense. In the normative sense, the rights of individuals against government are the same as their rights against their lawmaking agency in the anarcho-capitalist marketplace would be.

Well, frankly I can't see how that could be true, given that most of the government's functions would be transferred to private concerns. Are you saying that a citizen's right, say, to effective pharmaceuticals or safe highways would be the same after the government turns over regulation of pharmaceuticals and highways to private companies?

Thomas wrote:
In a positive sense, your statement is simply untrue. In reality, the rights of women and blacks have proven quite alienable until at least the 1970s.

That's not what I mean by "inalienable." It's not that the rights can be denied (any government, including a libertarian one, can do that), but that they can be transferred. For instance, let's say we're in a libertarian society: why shouldn't I be allowed to sell my vote to the highest bidder?

Thomas wrote:
What libertarian literature, if any, have you read?

I've read some of John Hospers's work, as well as various articles by other philosophers and politicians (in the Libertarian Party, they're often the same thing). For the most part, I've been more interested in the political rather than the economic side of the movement. A good selection can be found at Liberty Haven.

Thomas wrote:
Apparently not Adam Smith, not John Steward Mill, not Mencken, and not Milton Friedman. All of these are libertarians who want the government to protect a short list of inalienable rights (life, liberty, property).

I have read Smith and Mill. I'm not sure what Mencken you're referring to: if it's H.L. Mencken, I've read quite a bit of his work. I have had very little contact with Friedman, but I'm familiar with the basic outline of his economics. I would never consider Smith or Mill to be libertarians. And I don't believe that H.L. Mencken ever elaborated upon a consistent political or economic theory (apart from a sort of Nietzschean elitism).

Thomas wrote:
In practice, this would mean national defense, administration of justice, and law enforcement. Neoliberals would add the central bank. Everything else, according to them, ought to be left to private initiative. The last time I checked the Statistical Abstract of the United States how much such a government would cost, the result was below 10 percent of GDP. It might be more than that now because of the recent runup in defense spending.

If one values saving money as the highest social good, then I can see how one could be persuaded by these types of arguments.

Thomas wrote:
No I'm not. And I'm unaware of any government that has given up its monopoly power for nothing. Again, your point about monopolies is a valid one, but it cuts both ways. It's an argument against monopolies in government as much as it's one against monopolies in the marketplace.

But what rights would I have against a monopoly in an unregulated marketplace? For instance, let's say that there is a proposal to build a slaughterhouse right in the middle of my residential neighborhood. Right now, I would have the right to call for public hearings, to petition my representatives to halt the project, to use the courts to block construction. In an unregulated market, would I have the same rights against a private company that owned the land on which it intended to build the slaughterhouse?
0 Replies
 
Jarlaxle
 
  1  
Reply Mon 29 Mar, 2004 08:05 pm
Suggested reading:
David Boaz--"Libertarianism: a Primer"
Charles Murray--"What it Means to Be A Libertarian"
0 Replies
 
Thomas
 
  1  
Reply Tue 30 Mar, 2004 03:59 am
joefromchicago wrote:
Are you saying that a citizen's right, say, to effective pharmaceuticals or safe highways would be the same after the government turns over regulation of pharmaceuticals and highways to private companies?

I don't know about "a citizen's right to something", and I don't care about it as an end in itself. What I care about is citizens' access to these things. Effective pharmaceuticals exist not because legislation has given citizens a right to them, but because researchers have developed them, companies have built factories to produce them, and medical studies have seperated the wheat from the chaff. The "rights" came after the fact; the probably helped some and hurt some, but I don't believe they, on net, increased people's access to effective medicine.

In the case of highways, I concede there might be a big enough problem with monopoly power to render competition ineffective. I haven't looked into this issue deeply enough to give you a good answer on that. About the regulation of pharmaceuticals, there is a body of scholarly work, most prominently by the University of Chicago's Sam Peltzman. Based on admittedly indirect evidence, it finds that it has decreased people's access to effective pharmaceuticals, by greatly increasing the cost of developing them. If Peltzman is right -- I am too much of an armchair economist to be sure he is -- the actual net effect of the legislation was the opposite of the intended one.

joefromchicago wrote:
Thomas wrote:
In a positive sense, your statement is simply untrue. In reality, the rights of women and blacks have proven quite alienable until at least the 1970s.

That's not what I mean by "inalienable." It's not that the rights can be denied (any government, including a libertarian one, can do that), but that they can be transferred.

I take your point; it weakens mine, but doesn't refute it entirely. For example, before the civil war, black slaves could purchase their liberty. That sounds like the transfer of an "inalienable" right to me. The moral philosophy about what rights are "inalienable" wasn't too different then from what it is now.

joefromchicago wrote:
For instance, let's say we're in a libertarian society: why shouldn't I be allowed to sell my vote to the highest bidder?

Answer #1: We're talking about a very extreme form of libertarian society now. Most libertarians want to go back to 19th century institutions, minus slavery, the absence of universal suffrage, and the like. I know of no evidence that selling votes to the highest bidder was more of a problem then than it is now. But I don't want to chicken out: No, there's no fundamental principle against vote-selling. Given that, here goes ...

Answer #2: How would that be different than today? Our politicians do this kind of stuff all the time; that's what lobbying and pork-barrel spending are all about. Specifically, I've heard of a Chicago mayor who made a carrer out of buying and selling votes under the current system. He looks much like your avatar. Also note that during the last presidential election campaign, there have been several websites where Green voters in swing states and Democrats in non-swing states traded promises to vote for the other side's guy for mutual gain. For the purpose of our argument, that isn't too different from selling to the highest bidder.

Answer #3: In a libertarian society, government would have much, much less pork to hand out. So the votes wouldn't nearly be worth as much to potential buyers as they are today. Moreover, every sold vote would do much less social damage that it does today. I expect the combination of the two dominates any adverse effects from making votes easier to sell. But I admit I have no solid proof for this expectation.

joefromchicago wrote:
If one values saving money as the highest social good, then I can see how one could be persuaded by these types of arguments.

Money isn't what the social good is, only what it's measured in. The social good is this: to the extent that social transactions are organized through voluntary cooperation, transactions only happen when all parties involved expect to benefit from it. The option of the government to enforce cooperation at gunpoint is useful only for transaction that harm at least one of the parties involved, and therefore should be restricted to as few situations as possible. I expect that current restrictions on government power are much looser than would be possible and desirable.

joefromchicago wrote:
But what rights would I have against a monopoly in an unregulated marketplace? For instance, let's say that there is a proposal to build a slaughterhouse right in the middle of my residential neighborhood. Right now, I would have the right to call for public hearings, to petition my representatives to halt the project, to use the courts to block construction. In an unregulated market, would I have the same rights against a private company that owned the land on which it intended to build the slaughterhouse?

No, you wouldn't have the same rights. You would have different rights. One possible scenario would be that your neighborhood is a propietary community. You and your neighbors would call the proprietor and point out to him that if this slaughterhouse is built, he loses your business to people who'd be willing to pay much less rent than you do. This isn't technically a right, but it gives the proprietor an incentive not to have the slaughterhouse built. In fact, the proprietor has an incentive to attract your business by preempting this situation in the first place. One way to preempt it is to put it in the contract with the inhabitants (Aside: I'm not sure what you call the payments proprietary community owners are getting. Taxes? Rent? My English fails me here.)

Another possible scenario revolves around property rights. For example, estates might come with the right not to have a slaughterhouse built within 500 yards of it, and the slaughterhouse owner would have to purchase this right. Alternatively, estates might come with the right to build a slaughterhouse on it, and the neighbors would have to purchase this right from the potential slaughterhouse builder to make him stop. As you know, "I own this real estate" is really shorthand for "I own a bundle of rights with regard to this real estate". Serious libertarians argue that the bundle could be adapted to solve your slaughterhouse problem.
0 Replies
 
Scrat
 
  1  
Reply Tue 30 Mar, 2004 09:55 am
Craven de Kere wrote:
One man's liberty is another man's death Scrat. We are unlikely to agree even on what constitutes liberty as we are likely to differ in desired liberties. Furthermore we are unlikely to agree on the consequences of libertarian policy. I happen to consider most of their notions of the effect of their proposed policy to be really naive but I'm sure they do not share this notion.

So instead of getting into the hypotheticals...

I didn't ask you for a hypothetical, I asked you for an actual, specific liberty advocated by the Libertarian party that you believe would make others "less free". It's a fairly simple, straightforward request. I'm simply trying to get a better understanding of what you mean by "make others less free".

My understanding of the Libertarian's basic position is that the government's primary functions should be to protect the country from attack and ensure my right to the safety of my person and my rights to my property. Within that context, I don't see how my liberties make anyone else "less free", so I'm wondering whether my viewpoint is overly simple or whether you and I simply have a different view on what makes people "less free".

Of course, if I have rights to be secure in my person and property, I concede that being so makes others "less free" to harm me or take what is mine, but I assume you aren't taking the position that people should be that free. I also assume that you can't possibly mean to suggest that living under Libertarian ideals would make people "less free" than they currently are.

I hope this helps you understand why I've asked what I've asked, and that you'll see fit to take a look at what the Libertarian party advocates, and explain to me how any one of the liberties they would attempt to guarantee me would make you "less free". Thanks.
0 Replies
 
joefromchicago
 
  1  
Reply Tue 30 Mar, 2004 10:11 am
Thomas wrote:
I don't know about "a citizen's right to something", and I don't care about it as an end in itself.

Typically, rights are not considered ends in themselves.

Thomas wrote:
What I care about is citizens' access to these things. Effective pharmaceuticals exist not because legislation has given citizens a right to them, but because researchers have developed them, companies have built factories to produce them, and medical studies have seperated the wheat from the chaff. The "rights" came after the fact; the probably helped some and hurt some, but I don't believe they, on net, increased people's access to effective medicine.

Here I think we may have hit on a fundamental difference. Libertarians, it seems, tend to think of "efficiency" as a social good. Their objection to government regulations, for instance, often centers on the inefficiencies of the present system. Indeed, despite the fact that libertarians rarely identify "efficiency" as a goal of society, I would surmise that, next to "freedom," libertarians view "efficiency" (in particular, market efficiency) as the highest social good.

Although there are compelling reasons to get effective pharmaceuticals into the market quickly and efficiently, government cannot be oriented only to getting things to work "right," it must also prevent things from going "wrong." For libertarians, however, the government's primary function is to clear the way for the market to do its job: it's the market that makes things right and it's the market that fixes things when they go wrong. Yet the market, which is admittedly more efficient than government (at least in some respects) in making things right, is not very good at fixing things that go wrong.* In particular, it is not very good at protecting interests that are not economic interests.**

Thomas wrote:
In the case of highways, I concede there might be a big enough problem with monopoly power to render competition ineffective. I haven't looked into this issue deeply enough to give you a good answer on that. About the regulation of pharmaceuticals, there is a body of scholarly work, most prominently by the University of Chicago's Sam Peltzman. Based on admittedly indirect evidence, it finds that it has decreased people's access to effective pharmaceuticals, by greatly increasing the cost of developing them. If Peltzman is right -- I am too much of an armchair economist to be sure he is -- the actual net effect of the legislation was the opposite of the intended one.

Assuming that the legislation was intended to promote efficiency.

Thomas wrote:
I take your point; it weakens mine, but doesn't refute it entirely. For example, before the civil war, black slaves could purchase their liberty. That sounds like the transfer of an "inalienable" right to me. The moral philosophy about what rights are "inalienable" wasn't too different then from what it is now.

A slave buying his freedom isn't an example of a transfer of an inalienable right. After all, the slave is property, and property is always transferable. A better example would be someone selling himself into slavery -- thus transferring the previously inalienable right to liberty. Would that be permissible in a libertarian society?

Thomas wrote:
Answer #1: We're talking about a very extreme form of libertarian society now. Most libertarians want to go back to 19th century institutions, minus slavery, the absence of universal suffrage, and the like. I know of no evidence that selling votes to the highest bidder was more of a problem then than it is now. But I don't want to chicken out: No, there's no fundamental principle against vote-selling. Given that, here goes ...

OK.

Thomas wrote:
Answer #2: How would that be different than today? Our politicians do this kind of stuff all the time; that's what lobbying and pork-barrel spending are all about. Specifically, I've heard of a Chicago mayor who made a carrer out of buying and selling votes under the current system. He looks much like your avatar.

Well, he was only a buyer, never a seller.

Thomas wrote:
Also note that during the last presidential election campaign, there have been several websites where Green voters in swing states and Democrats in non-swing states traded promises to vote for the other side's guy for mutual gain. For the purpose of our argument, that isn't too different from selling to the highest bidder.

No, it is as different as a lightning bug is to lightning. Right now, I could "swap" my vote with someone else, but there is no way of knowing if either of us kept his part of the bargain. In a libertarian society, however, if vote-selling were legal the vote-buyer would undoubtedly insist upon some form of guarantee that the vote-seller fulfilled the contract. Ultimately, widespread vote-selling might necessitate the elimination of the secret ballot, since vote-buyers would not be satisfied with the vote-sellers' mere promise to vote according to the vote-buyers' instructions.

Thomas wrote:
Answer #3: In a libertarian society, government would have much, much less pork to hand out. So the votes wouldn't nearly be worth as much to potential buyers as they are today. Moreover, every sold vote would do much less social damage that it does today. I expect the combination of the two dominates any adverse effects from making votes easier to sell. But I admit I have no solid proof for this expectation.

What if I were a judge. Could I sell my decision in a court case to the highest bidder?

Thomas wrote:
Money isn't what the social good is, only what it's measured in.

Often, the distinction is lost in practice.

Thomas wrote:
No, you wouldn't have the same rights. You would have different rights.

I quite agree.

Thomas wrote:
One possible scenario would be that your neighborhood is a propietary community. You and your neighbors would call the proprietor and point out to him that if this slaughterhouse is built, he loses your business to people who'd be willing to pay much less rent than you do. This isn't technically a right, but it gives the proprietor an incentive not to have the slaughterhouse built. In fact, the proprietor has an incentive to attract your business by preempting this situation in the first place. One way to preempt it is to put it in the contract with the inhabitants

And if the owner of the proprietary community is also the person who wants to build the slaughterhouse...?

Thomas wrote:
(Aside: I'm not sure what you call the payments proprietary community owners are getting. Taxes? Rent? My English fails me here.)

I imagine it would be called "rent."

Thomas wrote:
Another possible scenario revolves around property rights. For example, estates might come with the right not to have a slaughterhouse built within 500 yards of it, and the slaughterhouse owner would have to purchase this right. Alternatively, estates might come with the right to build a slaughterhouse on it, and the neighbors would have to purchase this right from the potential slaughterhouse builder to make him stop.

But all of this presupposes a marketplace of willing buyers and sellers of rights. Let's say, for instance, that each parcel of land in a particular area has both a right to be the site of a slaughterhouse and also the right to be free of neighboring slaughterhouses. Mr. Butcher decides that, on his property, he will build a slaughterhouse, which he is certainly entitled to do. His neighbors, however, refuse to sell their rights to be free of a slaughterhouse, while Mr. Butcher refuses to sell his right to build a slaughterhouse. Who wins?

Thomas wrote:
As you know, "I own this real estate" is really shorthand for "I own a bundle of rights with regard to this real estate". Serious libertarians argue that the bundle could be adapted to solve your slaughterhouse problem.

Are you sure? My slaughterhouse problem can get devilishly complicated.

*I would, however, argue that government is more efficient at addressing the "free rider" problem.
**I recognize, however, that some libertarians would argue that all rights are fundamentally economic rights.
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