farmerman wrote:Set, with the topography and the map shown (map no 2) the Nat Park Service historians have declared that ,
1Chamberlain was the first to occupy the ridge crest from LRT to BRT. (thus defining "advance" pretty much . NO SPIN, this is from The NAt Park SErvice) As well as Mark Boatners discussions of the battle.
2I guess youve not been to Gettysburg then. The ridges are quite steep sided diabase rises that have a "dumbell" right where Chambnerlains fl;anks were.
2You have to admit, your more pissed that he survived even though he was shot up as badly as anyone. He managed to keep his men in fromation . Do you deny the facts of his wounds and the resukts? Im not really sure what youre all torqued off at.
I'm not "torqued off," although i am disgusted that he made such a big deal of himself while men like Reynolds, Meredith and Barlow were largely ignored then and after the war (Reynolds got press in Pennsylvania, as "the hometown boy," but not the recognition which Chamberlain managed to promote for himself, and Reynolds was soon largely forgotten outside Pennsylvania).
I've been to Gettysburg more than once, so that won't wash. I'm happy, however, to respond to your points.
Even if Chamberlain had occupied "the ridge crest" from Round Top to Little Round Top (i find that a dubious claim, even if the Park Service--not a sterling source for information--says so), it does not alter the point i have already made, to which i will shortly refer in detail. It is worth noting, also, that if the Park Service is peddling some crap that he occupied the space from the crest of Round Top to the crest of Little Round Top, their claim stretches credulity. Were that the case, with the regiment bled down as it was by that time, he'd have had just about enough men to form a single line with each man covering five feet or more of front. I am not going to bother to link them, but just in a few minutes i read several accounts of the battle online which refer again and again to the fact that Round Top was unoccupied. B Company of the 20th Maine was "advanced," and may have served as a flank guard--however, it was advanced to the southeast, and not to Round Top.
I've already pointed out that the axis of the attack was not from the south, which makes claims about the 20th Maine occupying an "advanced" position dubious. When Longstreet arrived, and the advance of his Corps (McLaws and Hood; Pickett did not arrive until early on the morning of July 2nd) late on July 1st, his men were bivouacked south of the Cashtown Pike, where Heth and Pender had fought Buford's cavalry division, and then Meredith's "Iron Brigade." Lee gave Longstreet his orders, Longstreet objected, Lee insisted, and Longstreet resentfully acquiesced. In typical fashion, Lee had failed to do basic staff work, and Longstreet was obliged to send out officers of his own staff the next morning to find a route for the approach march of McLaws' and Hood's divisions. (Which explains why they did not attack until late in the day.) That approach march lead them to the south end of Seminary Ridge, and the original axis of the attack of McLaws' division, with Hood in echelon behind him, was actually slightly south of east. Dan Sickles had advanced III Corps well beyond the line of Cemetery Ridge, at one point, as much as a mile. The salient this created meant that McLaws' assault actually had three or four axes of attack, and, by the time III Corps was smashed and reeling, McLaws boys were attacking due east.
V Corps was rushed in to protect the southern end of Cemetery Ridge, and therefore, Little Round Top, because III Corps could not do so, which had been Sickles' original mission. At the time that Vincent posted his brigade, the apparent axis of attack was from a little south of west to a little north of east as McLaws' division swept across the Emmitsburg Pike pursuing the badly-beaten-up III Corps. When Hood's boys went into line on McLaws' right, this put them in a position to flank the Federal line, for as far as they could see it at the time. Hood decided to avoid the obstacle of Round Top,
because it was clearly unoccupied and unfit for placing artillery, and his brigades were obliged to go in in echelon. As they moved forward they filed off to the right, with Evander Law's brigade forming the extreme right of Hood's line, and the axis of the assault effectively became from south of west to north of east.
When Vincent placed his brigade, the threat was from McLaws' division almost due west of his position. That the 20th Maine was on his extreme left is not sufficient cause to claim that they occupied an "advanced" position. Dan Sickles stupidly pushing III Corps out to as much as a mile in advance of the position he had been ordered to occupy counts as occupying an advanced position, and the price his Corps paid for his stupidity is patently obvious.
I rather suspect that the Park Service has fallen prey to the pro-Chamberlain propaganda mill just as have so many writers. The controversy of where specific units were and where they fought at Gettysburg was a cottage industry from immediately after the battle until well into the 20th century. Federal and Confederate units (their veteran's associations) and those who had commanded them, if they had survived the war, raged and feuded over where their commemorative markers should be placed, and what claims they could make for what they did during the battle. I hardly consider the Park Service to be a reliable source for this information, but even as you describe it, the placement of the 20th Maine, given what Sykes, Barnes and Vincent knew and could see when Little Round Top was occupied, constituted a normal extension of Vincent's line. It can hardly reasonably be described as an "advanced" position.
As for your topographical comments, there were three main ridges, all running roughly from south-southwest to north-northeast in the arena of the combat. From west to east these were Herr Ridge, Seminary Ridge and Cemetery Ridge. Herr Ridge is a steep-sided ridge, and in fact rises to an elevation greater than any on any other part of the field, except for Round Top. Seminary Ridge is a low rise which peters out not far south of the Cashtown Pike, before feebly rising again and then tapering off well north of a line running west from Little Round Top. Longstreet's staff officers were not happy at all about the lack of defilade for the troops as they made the approach march. Cemetery Ridge is only "high" near the northern end, by Cemetery Hill, and declines slowly until near Little Round Top, it is hardly more than a swelling up from the surrounding terrain. Your description: "The ridges are quite steep sided diabase rises that have a "dumbell" right where Chambnerlains fl;anks were"--can only be applied to Little Round Top and Round Top. If you're going to make silly, incautious statements such as that about the topography of the battlefield, you're going to greatly lessen your credibility in the argument.
For Chamberlain's wound (not wound
s), you've shot yourself in the foot once more (pun intended) when you write: "even though he was shot up as badly as anyone." Chamberlain was hit in the foot by a spent musket ball in some accounts, and slightly wounded in the thigh in other accounts.
From the Ohio State University's account of the battle,
the page for the second day, a refutation of your account about the 20th Maine occupying a line from Little Round Top to Round Top:
Quote:In front of the 20th Maine, Oates's regiment continued to attack, and the 20th Maine, commanded by Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain (image at left), continued to hold them off. Finally, as the 20th Maine was running out of ammunition, Chamberlain ordered a bayonet charge against the 15th Alabama . It succeeded; driving the 15th Alabama back to Round Top. The Confederates did not hold Round Top either, for that night, Colonel Joseph Fisher's Brigade and the 20th Maine, occupied the valuable piece of land.
This page, at the site of the National Park Service, which is the source you are claiming, has an animated gif which shows the placement of Vincent's brigage in the course of the fight. The original placement it shows has Vincent's brigade facing west, and more or less in a straight line, curving near the right center to conform to terrain.
Additionally, it disputes your account of nature of the wound:
Quote:At the height of the fighting, a Confederate bullet struck Chamberlain on his left thigh. Luckily the metal sword scabbard hanging at his side diverted the bullet, leaving him with only with a painful bruise.
(By the way, the language used by the Park Service in their account of Chamberlain's heroism is quite florid, and wonderfully in keeping with the sort of 19th century hyperbole in which Chamberlain himself described his invaluable services.)
From the Wikipedia article on Chamberlain:
Quote:Chamberlain was slightly wounded in the foot at that battle by a spent bullet.
I'm not "pissed that he survived even though he was shot up as badly as anyone"--both because he was not "shot up as badly" as Reynolds (you don't get any more shot up than dead), or Meredith or Barlow, and because i don't have a personal grudge against the man. My point is that people like Reynolds, Meredith, Barlow
and Vincent were just as much responsible, or more so, for the success of the army as Chamberlain, but Chamberlain is the only one who has an extensive fan club, and a propaganda machine, even now, almost a century after his death. It dishonors the others who served there--and in particular, Strong Vincent, who got his fatal wounds rallying the Michigan regiment when they broke from their position. That action was far more crucial to the defense of Little Round Top, and if Vincent hadn't accomplished it (at the eventual cost of his life), Chamberlain and the 20th Maine could have gone and whistled for their plaudits for heroism.
Finally, with regard to the book to which i have already referred in an earlier post,
The Gettysburg which Nobody Knows, which was taken from "The Gettysburg Lectures," promoted by the National Military Park, and including the review of Chamberlain's part in the battle of which i have already taken notice, Mr. D. S. Hartwig, historian of the National Military Park writes:
"Gabor Boritt has assembled a collection of fresh, original, and outstanding essays that explore some less familiar aspects of the Gettysburg story, and which challenge the notion that everything has already been said of Gettysburg."
I don't hate Chamberlain, i'm disgusted at the self-promotion he practiced, and which more incredibly, is now being practiced today as "history," largely due to the publication of Mr. Shaara's
novel.
How do you feel when people peddle bullshit about geology? How do you feel when some creationist creep with a degree in geology peddles some bullshit to promote himself and to line his pockets? (And i am not comparing you to people like that.)
That's how i feel about careless reading of and narratives which claim to be reliable history.