Conservative Republicans Recoil at the Notion That Christie Is the Party’s Savior
Time magazine splashed Chris Christie’s profile on its latest cover. High-profile Republicans, including the only female Hispanic governor in the nation, are urging him to run for president. MSNBC’s “Morning Joe” program seems to be anointing him the savior of the Republican Party.
Everyone, it seems, is celebrating the ascent of Mr. Christie, the governor of New Jersey. Except people like Scott Hofstra.
“We’re so frustrated with all this Christie talk we can’t see straight,” said Mr. Hofstra, who is active in the Tea Party movement and lives in Vine Grove, Ky. He and his friends were especially furious when the governor, on television last week, described himself as “a conservative,” given his recent expansion of Medicaid under the Affordable Care Act, among other positions.
“He’s no more conservative than Harry Reid,” Mr. Hofstra said, referring to the Senate majority leader, a Democrat.
Mr. Christie’s landslide victory in New Jersey was just days ago, but the conversation about him is moving swiftly beyond the borders of his state. Three years before the presidential election, a governor who was almost a complete unknown until he became a YouTube sensation in 2010 has become not only a political celebrity but also a deeply polarizing force within his party.
To many in the conservative movement, Mr. Christie represents the kind of candidate the Republican establishment has foisted on the base in recent presidential elections — a media darling whose calling card is that elusive quality of electability and whose adherence to the party’s principles is suspect.
The more the news media and the establishment cheer on Mr. Christie, the more grass-roots activists — especially members of the Tea Party — resent it. Mr. Christie appeared this weekend on four of the Sunday morning talk shows. Chuck Henderson, a Tea Party activist from Manhattan, Kan., nearly shouted into the phone when asked by a reporter about the idea of Mr. Christie as a presidential candidate.
“He won his re-election, bully for him, but for him to make the jump up the next rung of the ladder, well, he’s not going to find any support from the people I mix with,” Mr. Henderson said.
A national poll conducted in September by Quinnipiac University underscored the pattern: While 46 percent of self-described moderates have a positive view of Mr. Christie and only 15 percent have a negative view, among conservatives, 33 percent view him favorably and 25 percent have an unfavorable impression.
Those around Mr. Christie are aware of the unease among conservatives and are beginning to emphasize his positions on issues like abortion — he is opposed to it, except in cases of rape, incest and the life of the mother — and state spending to try to blunt those concerns.
The governor’s standing among conservatives is important because Iowa and South Carolina, two of the first three states in the Republican presidential nominating contest, are dominated by ideology-driven activists. In addition, grass-roots activists are providing much of the passion and energy for the Republican party right now.
In an interview last week, Mr. Christie said if conservatives had questions about his principles, they ought to examine his record.
“Watch me govern,” he said. “I’ve cut taxes, cut spending, reformed pensions and benefits. Believe me, if Washington were able to do that, they’d have a parade for them. My record is my record. I’m proud of it. And it is a conservative record, governing as a conservative in a blue state.”
But Mr. Christie’s record can be read a number of ways. Some conservatives have already raised questions about his actions on gun control: He vetoed several bills last summer, including one that would ban the .50-caliber Barrett rifle, but has approved others, such as a measure that requires the police to provide the state with more information about guns used in crimes. And while he has made known his opposition to same-sex marriage, he abandoned an appeal of a court decision that legalized it in his state. During his re-election campaign, he also suggested he may support providing in-state tuition to illegal immigrants.
With a civil war underway inside the Republican Party, what conservatives fear most is that Mr. Christie’s nomination would effectively mean that the party establishment had won the internal struggle — and that Mr. Christie’s force of personality trumped ideas.
Asked in an interview whether Mr. Christie could unite the party’s factions, Newt Gingrich, the former House speaker, responded flatly: “No. I don’t think Chris Christie has any interest in bridging that divide because he’ll run as an aggressive, Northeastern moderate who can get something done. I don’t see him using conservative language. He might be able to get nominated, but it will be running as a personality leader, not a movement leader.”
To an influential bloc of the Republican establishment, of course, Mr. Christie is nothing short of a savior — a charismatic governor with not a whiff of Washington on him, with a proven ability to get votes from the constituencies that have proved resistant to the Republican Party in recent elections, like women and Hispanics.
The excitement is especially noticeable among many party operatives, contributors and insiders, who see Mr. Christie as perhaps their only bet to defeat Hillary Clinton if former Gov. Jeb Bush of Florida does not run.
“I think he should definitely consider running for president, and I think he will find there’s an enormous, an enormous, amount of pressure from people who want to support him,” said former Gov. Haley Barbour of Mississippi.
Gov. Susana Martinez of New Mexico, who spent the final days of Mr. Christie’s re-election campaign stumping for him in New Jersey, said, “I love his authenticity, I love who he is,” and added an unprompted endorsement: “I will support Governor Christie in anything he decides to do in life.”
But Mr. Christie’s foes have clout, too. Rush Limbaugh, the conservative talk show host, has mockingly suggested that Mr. Christie will run for president as a Democrat, and the conservative website impresario Matt Drudge has made clear he has little regard for him. “McAuliffe, De Blasio and Christie: Triple feature in a Republican’s nightmare,” Mr. Drudge said in a Twitter post after the results of Tuesday’s elections, grouping Mr. Christie with the Democratic governor-elect of Virginia and the Democratic mayor-elect of New York City.
For all the grumbles about Mr. Christie’s positions on issues like same-sex marriage, for example, or even griping about his embrace of President Obama after Hurricane Sandy, the underlying issue with the right wing appears to be trust: Many are skeptical that he is committed to advancing the conservative movement, much as they came to be about President George W. Bush.
They also worry that any campaign by Mr. Christie is destined to be centered entirely on his pugnacious style, rather than a broader Republican agenda.
“Personality campaigns that get the political establishment all hot and bothered tend not to work in the G.O.P. primaries,” said Craig Shirley, a conservative historian who has written about Ronald Reagan’s campaigns. “At least not for very long.”
“Christie needs a signature issue and he needs to resist the temptation to go to war with the conservatives and the Tea Party,” Mr. Shirley said.
To many in the party’s grass roots, though, it may not matter what Mr. Christie does.
“We want somebody special, a real limited-government conservative,” said Eric Stamper, a Tennessee Tea Party activist. “I don’t think that’s him.”