The Iraqi bad guys are still Iraqis.
Again, I'm not talking about rates. It's about country y vs country x.
WHAT IS ABOUT COUNTRY Y VS. COUNTRY X?
YOU REPEATEDLY WROTE:
Quote:The murder rate in the US is one of the highest in any industrialized country. Show this to be wrong.
NOW WITH EMPHASIS:
Quote:The murder rate in the US is one of the highest in any industrialized country. Show this to be wrong.
Since "maybe" is the key word; how can it be worth more American livds? IT IS WORTH MORE AMERICAN LIVES TO "MAYBE" SAVE MORE AMERICAN LIVES. Would you volunteer YES, IF I WERE YOUNGER, THIS OLD BUZZARD WOULD VOLUNTEER or send your family members for this "maybe?" NO! I WOULD LEAVE THAT UP TO MY OWN FAMILY MEMBERS TO DECIDE FOR THEMSELVES RATHER THAN SEND THEM ANYWHERE.
The Iraqi bad guys are still Iraqis.
Again, I'm not talking about rates. It's about country y vs country x.
WHAT IS ABOUT COUNTRY Y VS. COUNTRY X?
YOU REPEATEDLY WROTE:
Quote:The murder rate in the US is one of the highest in any industrialized country. Show this to be wrong.
NOW WITH EMPHASIS:
Quote:The murder rate in the US is one of the highest in any industrialized country. Show this to be wrong.
Since "maybe" is the key word; how can it be worth more American livds? IT IS WORTH MORE AMERICAN LIVES TO "MAYBE" SAVE MORE AMERICAN LIVES. Would you volunteer YES, IF I WERE YOUNGER, THIS OLD BUZZARD WOULD VOLUNTEER or send your family members for this "maybe?" NO! I WOULD LEAVE THAT UP TO MY OWN FAMILY MEMBERS TO DECIDE FOR THEMSELVES RATHER THAN SEND THEM ANYWHERE.
The Iraqi bad guys are still Iraqis.
Again, I'm not talking about rates. It's about country y vs country x.
WHAT IS ABOUT COUNTRY Y VS. COUNTRY X?
YOU REPEATEDLY WROTE:
Quote:The murder rate in the US is one of the highest in any industrialized country. Show this to be wrong.
NOW WITH EMPHASIS:
Quote:The murder rate in the US is one of the highest in any industrialized country. Show this to be wrong.
Since "maybe" is the key word; how can it be worth more American livds? IT IS WORTH MORE AMERICAN LIVES TO "MAYBE" SAVE MORE AMERICAN LIVES. Would you volunteer YES, IF I WERE YOUNGER, THIS OLD BUZZARD WOULD VOLUNTEER or send your family members for this "maybe?" NO! I WOULD LEAVE THAT UP TO MY OWN FAMILY MEMBERS TO DECIDE FOR THEMSELVES RATHER THAN SEND THEM ANYWHERE.
The Iraqi bad guys are still Iraqis.
Again, I'm not talking about rates. It's about country y vs country x.
WHAT IS ABOUT COUNTRY Y VS. COUNTRY X?
YOU REPEATEDLY WROTE:
Quote:The murder rate in the US is one of the highest in any industrialized country. Show this to be wrong.
NOW WITH EMPHASIS:
Quote:The murder rate in the US is one of the highest in any industrialized country. Show this to be wrong.
Since "maybe" is the key word; how can it be worth more American livds? IT IS WORTH MORE AMERICAN LIVES TO "MAYBE" SAVE MORE AMERICAN LIVES. Would you volunteer YES, IF I WERE YOUNGER, THIS OLD BUZZARD WOULD VOLUNTEER or send your family members for this "maybe?" NO! I WOULD LEAVE THAT UP TO MY OWN FAMILY MEMBERS TO DECIDE FOR THEMSELVES RATHER THAN SEND THEM ANYWHERE.
Quote:
...
i did not know that there are enough criminals in the united states to spoil an election - i'm learning something new every day !
hbg
There aren't! But there are enough voters in the US who are opposed to the death penalty to spoil an election.
The Iraqi bad guys are still Iraqis.
Again, I'm not talking about rates. It's about country y vs country x.
WHAT IS ABOUT COUNTRY Y VS. COUNTRY X?
YOU REPEATEDLY WROTE:
Quote:The murder rate in the US is one of the highest in any industrialized country. Show this to be wrong.
NOW WITH EMPHASIS:
Quote:The murder rate in the US is one of the highest in any industrialized country. Show this to be wrong.
Since "maybe" is the key word; how can it be worth more American livds? IT IS WORTH MORE AMERICAN LIVES TO "MAYBE" SAVE MORE AMERICAN LIVES. Would you volunteer YES, IF I WERE YOUNGER, THIS OLD BUZZARD WOULD VOLUNTEER or send your family members for this "maybe?" NO! I WOULD LEAVE THAT UP TO MY OWN FAMILY MEMBERS TO DECIDE FOR THEMSELVES RATHER THAN SEND THEM ANYWHERE.
Some people are just too dumb to have a discussion with. I give up!
Some people are just too dumb to have a discussion with. I give up!
cicerone imposter wrote:Some people are just too dumb to have a discussion with. I give up!
I know exactly how you feel.
Christopher Layne: Plotting a course for Middle East disaster
The US President's troop build-up in Iraq is a prescription for more sectarian violence and terrorism
DURING his recent prime-time address, in which he announced that US troops in Iraq would be increased by 21,500, President George W. Bush rightly observed that his administration had made mistakes during the nearly four-year occupation. His decision to escalate the war is the most recent example. But the biggest mistake by far was Bush's decision to invade Iraq in the first place. Because of that decision, the US finds itself trapped in a war it cannot win, and one which - according to Bush - it cannot afford to lose.
The US also finds itself caught in a crossfire, both politically and literally. After supporting the Shi'ites initially and helping them come to power, the US has tacked back to the Sunnis in hopes of ending the insurgency (which was directed both at the US occupation and, self-defensively, against the Shia-dominated Government in Baghdad) and to stay on the good side of Washington's regional allies (thereby restraining them from intervening in support of their Sunni brethren). This is why the US demands that Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki establish a unity government and seek reconciliation with the Sunnis.
Here, Bush's agenda conflicts directly with that of Maliki and the Shia political elite. Despite his pledges, Maliki will not meet the benchmarks that Bush says are vital to his latest victory plan, nor will he keep his pledge to go after the Mahdi Army loyal to Moqtada al-Sadr. Maliki owes his premiership to his political alliance with al-Sadr. The Shi'ites want US troops to crush the Sunnis and win their civil war for them. But they do not want the US getting in the way of their own power grab in post-war Iraq.
Bush's threat to pull the rug from under Maliki is hollow, because the Shi'ites can turn to Iran for support (and already have done so). The Bush administration simply does not grasp the political realities in Iraq. The Sunnis and Shi'ites are locked in a Hobbesian struggle: a bloody civil war seen by both sides as a zero-sum game. This is a war in which neither side's agenda accords with Washington's but in which both are adept at playing the Bush administration to further their ambitions.
Before his speech, Bush told Maliki that he must either play ball with the US administration or "you're out". If Maliki fails to keep his promises to Bush, plan B is to replace Maliki and his cabinet with a presumably more pliant Iraqi government.
So much for the fiction that Iraq is, as Bush repeatedly claims, a sovereign democracy.
In effect, Iraq has become an American colonial dependency. There is no end state in the foreseeable future that will permit the withdrawal of US troops. There is only the prospect of an endless, costly war in the pursuit of an objective that cannot be gained.
Or, if Bush's threats against Iran are to be taken seriously - and they should be - the prospect of a wider regional war that will turn the Islamic world decisively against the US in a true clash of civilisations.
Pandering to public fears - and again invoking the spectre of 9/11 - Bush claims that if the US leaves Iraq, terrorists will use that country as a safe haven to attack the American homeland. Here, the administration has utterly failed to understand the roots of terrorism. It is the American presence in the Middle East - a region with profound resentment towards the imperial overlordship of the Western powers - that drives terrorism, not its lack of democracy. The US indifference to attaining a just peace between Israel and Palestine (an issue that went unmentioned in Bush's speech), support for authoritarian regimes in the region (Saudi Arabia, Egypt) and the occupation of Iraq are what fuels terrorism.
If Bush is serious about reducing the terrorist threat, he should realise that US policy in the Middle East needs a drastic overhaul.
First, the US must begin to free itself from dependence on hydrocarbons (read Middle Eastern crude oil).
Second, it needs to reduce its military footprint in the region, including a phased, orderly withdrawal of troops that would result in all US forces being out of Iraq by mid-2008. The US should rely on naval and air power alone to prevent the emergence of an oil hegemon in the Persian Gulf, and it should stay out of the region's intractable internal politics.
If the US withdrawal leads to a bigger war in Iraq, Washington should let nature take its course. It is not in the US's interest to be caught in the middle of a Sunni-Shia power struggle in Iraq. In the real world - obviously a different place from that in which the administration lives - the US is not going to stay in Iraq forever and, when it leaves, a conflict may ensue in which Saudi Arabia and others aid the Sunnis as Iran is already aiding the Shi'ites. Bush is only postponing the day of reckoning, not averting it.
Unlike Bush, Americans understand that the US needs a new approach to the Middle East. A recent Pew Charitable Trust survey found that "by a 45 per cent to 32 per cent margin, more Americans believe that the best way to reduce the threat of terrorist attacks on the US is to decrease, not increase, America's military presence overseas". The same Pew survey also found that "an increasing number of Americans see non-military approaches, such as decreasing US dependence on Middle East oil and avoiding involvement with the problems of other countries", as effective strategies for reducing the terrorist threat to the US.
Similarly, polls taken immediately after Bush's speech show that, just as before it, a majority of Americans oppose his plan to escalate the Iraq war.
Perhaps the US is following the wrong policy. Instead of trying to export democracy to Iraq, the US needs to import democracy into its own foreign policy process. It remains to be seen whether Congress has the courage to compel the administration to adhere to the popular will.
But one thing is clear: if it continues on the course that Bush has charted, the US is headed for disaster in Iraq, probable war with Iran and catastrophe in the Middle East. When asked why his latest plan for victory will succeed, Bush responded: "Because it has to." That is not the way the real world works. But then, the line between a faith-based foreign policy and a delusional one is very thin.
Christopher Layne, a contributing editor of The American Conservative, is associate professor of international affairs at Texas A&M University's George Bush School of Government. He is author of The Peace of Illusions: American Grand Strategy from 1940 to the Present (Cornell University Press).
TALK IS CHEAP:
By RALPH PETERS
BAGHDAD (Reuters) - The political movement of Iraqi cleric and militia leader Moqtada al-Sadr said it would end a two-month boycott of parliament on Sunday, smoothing over a rift with its Shi'ite allies in the U.S.-backed government.
The political reconciliation with a group viewed with suspicion in Washington came the day after U.S. forces suffered one of their deadliest days in Iraq. A total of 19 soldiers were killed, including 12 on a helicopter and five in a clash in a Shi'ite holy city that the U.S. military blamed on militiamen.
Shi'ite Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki has been under pressure to crack down on the Mehdi Army, a militia loyal to Sadr that the United States sees as the biggest threat to security in Iraq. But his past dependence on Sadr's political support has made that difficult.
The Sadrists announced a boycott in November to press their demand for a timetable for the withdrawal of U.S. troops from Iraq and to protest against a meeting between Maliki and President Bush.
"We are ending our boycott of the ministries and the parliament," Bahaa al-Araji, a senior member of the Sadrist group, told a news conference with the ruling Shi'ite Alliance.
Parliament speaker Mahmoud al-Mashhadani said an all-party committee would discuss calls for a timetable for U.S. troops to withdraw and the renewal of the U.N. mandate for the U.S. presence in Iraq, which has in the past been at the request of Baghdad.
"This is a new beginning," he told the news conference. "We want to say to the world that an Iraqi solution for Iraqi problems is the key, and others must support these solutions."
DEADLY DAY FOR U.S. FORCES
The U.S. military on Sunday revised the number killed in Saturday's Black Hawk helicopter crash from 13 to 12. It said another five soldiers were killed and three wounded in the clash at a government building in Kerbala.
It was unclear whether the helicopter was shot down. U.S. military spokeswoman Lieutenant-Colonel Josslyn Aberle said the cause was still under investigation.
Two other soldiers were killed elsewhere on Saturday.
It was the deadliest day for U.S. forces since Bush announced he was sending about 20,000 more troops to Iraq to try to prevent all-out sectarian civil war between Shi'ite Muslims and the once-dominant Sunni Arab minority.
His plans have run into resistance from opposition Democrats who now control Congress and skepticism in Washington about how far Maliki can make good on promises to disarm Shi'ite militias.
The U.S. military said on Sunday a brigade of around 3,200 soldiers had arrived in Baghdad, the first of some 17,000 planned reinforcements for the city, and it would be fully operational by the start of February.
The Kerbala clash came as pilgrims converged on the city 110 km (70 miles) south of Baghdad at the start of the 10-day rite of Ashura, a high point of the Shi'ite calendar and a previous target for attacks by al Qaeda and other Sunni militants.
"The Provincial Joint Coordination Center in Kerbala was attacked with grenades, small arms and indirect fire by an illegally armed militia group," the U.S. military said in a statement, apparently blaming Shi'ite militiamen rather than Sunni insurgents to whom it usually refers as "terrorists."
"Five U.S. soldiers were killed and three wounded while repelling the attack," it said without mentioning attackers killed or detained.
U.S. officials said no more about the identity of the assailants. "We do know they're militiamen but we're not going to go any further than that," Major Steven Lamb said, adding investigations were continuing.
Kerbala Governor Aqil al-Khazali said it appeared the attackers were masquerading as Americans, but did not identify them. He said 8,000 police and soldiers were on hand to provide security for Ashura.
Relations have become strained between Washington and the Iraqi government as the United States presses Baghdad to rein in Shi'ite militias blamed for death squad killings and tries to limit the influence of neighboring Shi'ite Iran.
Maliki vowed this month to crack down on both Shi'ite and Sunni gunmen in a major U.S.-backed operation. Sadr enjoys a mass following in Iraq and some backing from Iran.
In other violence on Sunday, a roadside bomb killed one British soldier and wounded four in the southern city of Basra, the British military said.
An Iraqi cabinet-level committee proposed a draft law Friday that would allow the national government in Iraq [JURIST news archive] to control oil revenues. Negotiations concerning the draft law have been a source of tension [JURIST report] in Iraq for months as most Kurds and many Shiites want to retain control of the country's oil resources [Global Policy backgrounder]. On the other hand, Sunni Arabs, who do not dominate the oil-rich regions of the country, insist on central oversight.
Recent debate has centered on the establishment of a federal committee, called the Federal Oil and Gas Council, to review oil contracts. Kurds did not want to give the committee the power to "approve" contracts, so the draft law instead allows regions to initiate and guide the process of awarding oil contracts and gives the committee the power to review and reject contracts. The Iraqi cabinet and the country's parliament [official website, in English] must approve the draft before it becomes law. If the draft passes, enforcement might prove difficult in Iraq's wartime environment. The New York Times has more.