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Bush supporters' aftermath thread

 
 
Foxfyre
 
  1  
Reply Wed 22 Jun, 2005 11:59 am
Well, I just want to keep this thread for gloating purposes when it is impolite to gloat elsewhere. Smile
0 Replies
 
JustWonders
 
  1  
Reply Wed 22 Jun, 2005 02:33 pm
States See Benefits, Challenges in Revenue Surpluses

Multibillion-Dollar Tax Windfall Allowing States to Slash Taxes, Improve Services

May. 26, 2005 - A sweeping economic turnaround could mean tax cuts and better service for millions of Americans. For the first time since the year 2000, many states are finding that budget time isn't all about belt-tightening and cost-cutting.

States collected a record $600 billion in taxes last year -- an increase of 17.2 percent over 2003. Revenues are rising even faster this year, at a double-digit rate in some states.

Instead of fighting about how to cut their budgets, state lawmakers must decide how best to use the additional revenue.

Driven by higher consumer sales and personal incomes, tax revenues are up in states nationwide. Governments are using the money to improve roads, cut class sizes and give tax breaks to businesses.

With tax revenue up 16.5 percent this year, the Arizona state government is spending $7 million to build a new medical school, $4 million to recruit new nurses and $30 million to entice moviemakers to the state.

Improved Services

In Nebraska, where revenues are up 11.6 percent, more state troopers are being hired. In California, up 8.5 percent, state officials are restoring a property tax cut for seniors. And in Utah, where final numbers are not yet available, officials are spending more to promote tourism.

Utah's Republican governor, Jon Huntsman, welcomes the added revenue but says it's challenging "because you've got two or three times the number of people knocking on your door trying to divert it to some new funding program."

Massachusetts epitomizes this dilemma. Gov. Mitt Romney, a Republican, wants an income tax cut, which the Democratic-controlled legislature is fighting.

"My view is, the right thing to do with the surplus is give it back to the people -- generate income that keeps the economy going and helps working families," said Romney.

But state Rep. Robert Deleo, D-Winthrop, said, "The governor's proposal to cut taxes I think is probably based more on his political aspirations as opposed to fiscal realities that we face here in Massachusetts."

Across the country, there is new money but old arguments: Should governments use tax cuts to spur the economy or focus on improving services?

In New York, Republican Gov. George Pataki and the state legislature split the difference. They are cutting some taxes but also spending more on education and health care. It was a contentious fight, but it was the first time the state legislature passed a budget on time in two decades.

Dan Harris filed this report for "World News Tonight."
http://abcnews.go.com/WNT/Business/story?id=794714&page=1
0 Replies
 
JustWonders
 
  1  
Reply Wed 22 Jun, 2005 05:32 pm
Nice article about Vietnam vets serving in Iraq. Smile



Quote:
Vietnam vets in Iraq see 'entirely different war'

By Steven Komarow, USA TODAYTue Jun 21, 7:19 AM ET

Before dawn, the pilots digest their intelligence briefing with coffee. The sun rises as they start preflight checks. Just after 7:30, they start rotors turning on their UH-60A Black Hawk, and ease it smoothly into the desert sky.Chief Warrant Officers DeWayne Browning and Randy Weatherhead will take off and land a dozen times this hot day, ferrying infantry troops battling Iraq's insurgents in the Sunni Muslim heartland that Saddam Hussein calls home.

Only if those young troops look closely, past the jumble of struts and wires and into the obstructive flight helmets, will they notice something odd:

Browning's gray, nearly white moustache and telltale furrows on Weatherhead's face.Browning, 56, of Paradise, Calif., and Weatherhead, 57, of Elk Grove, Calif., are grandfathers. They first flew combat missions in Vietnam, before most of the soldiers in the current Army were born. They and others their age are here with the National Guard's 42nd Infantry Division, which includes some of the oldest soldiers to serve in combat for the modern U.S. Army. Few soldiers or officers in the military, other than the service's top generals, are as old.

If there are parallels between Iraq and Vietnam, these graying soldiers and the other Vietnam veterans serving here offer a unique perspective. They say they are more optimistic this time: They see a clearer mission than in Vietnam, a more supportive public back home and an Iraqi population that seems to be growing friendlier toward Americans.

"In Vietnam, I don't think the local population ever understood that we were just there to help them," says Chief Warrant Officer James Miles, 57, of Sioux Falls, S.D., who flew UH-1H Hueys in Vietnam from February 1969 to February 1970. And the Vietcong and North Vietnamese were a tougher, more tenacious enemy, he says. Instead of setting off bombs outside the base, they'd be inside.

"I knew we were going to lose Vietnam the day I walked off the plane," says Miles, who returned home this month after nearly a year in Iraq. Not this time. "There's no doubt in my mind that this was the right thing to do," he says.

The Army says it's impossible to know exactly how many Vietnam veterans are serving in Iraq, and there might be only a few dozen. Most of them came to Iraq last winter with the 42nd Infantry, a National Guard division headquartered in Tikrit, north of Baghdad.

Of the Vietnam veterans still in uniform, most are in the Guard. They once were the backbone of that part-time force, but today fewer than 20,000 remain in uniform from the Vietnam era, a definition that also includes many who never actually served in that theater, according to the National Guard Bureau. Of those, many are ineligible for service in Iraq, including those within two years of the mandatory retirement at age 60.

No such thing as a POW'

The Vietnam vets here share their insights and experience with the younger troops. And they're learning some new tricks, too.

"I wish that I could take some of the things that I've learned (and) ... take them back in time to that 20-year-old kid flying in Vietnam," Browning says.

"There was a lot more action in Vietnam than there is here," says Chief Warrant Officer Herbert Dargue, 57, of Brookhaven, N.Y. But the danger in Iraq is higher for those who are shot down but survive. "There's no such thing as a POW," he says, referring to the terrorists' penchant for executing Westerners.

The enemy in Iraq has "absolutely no value" for life, Dargue says, who flew Huey helicopters in Vietnam from June 1968 to June 1969.

Miles says the biggest difference he saw was that, over time, Iraqi civilians grew more positive toward U.S. forces. He says he saw more people smiling and waving near his base here than there were 10 months ago when he arrived.

1st Sgt. Patrick Olechny, 52, of Marydel, Del., an attack helicopter crew chief and door gunner in Vietnam from March 1971 to February 1972, says the most important difference to him is the attitude of the American public.

"Vietnam was an entirely different war than this one," he says. The basic job of flying helicopters is the same, but the overall mission now is clear when it wasn't then. "We thought in Vietnam we were doing the right thing, and in the end it didn't seem that way," he says.

Now, "the people in the United States respect what the soldiers are doing," says Olechny, who still fills in at the door gunner position when he can get away from his administrative duties.

Browning, recently back from two weeks of R&R in the USA, says he was overwhelmed by the reception he got stateside: More than a hundred people met the airplane to help the soldiers and wish them well. "I can't tell you what, as a Vietnam vet, that means to me," he said.

Old guys in a new Army

For the Vietnam veterans, this is not a trip down memory lane, though there's the occasional reminder of old times.

The U.S. Army that took them to Vietnam was bigger, younger and virtually all male. The few women were mostly limited to medical or administrative jobs.

The draft gave the Army masses of ground troops. At its peak the Vietnam War had more than three times as many on the ground as the roughly 140,000 in Iraq today.

The new Army that these vets serve in is all volunteer. There are women in uniform all around, as pilots, MPs, mechanics and nearly all other jobs except for infantry and armor units.

Most of the pilots learned their craft in the Huey, the iconic helicopter of the Vietnam War. They now fly its successor, the UH-60 Black Hawk.

The Black Hawk, although much larger, is designed for similar missions, including transporting ground troops and providing medevac missions for wounded troops. Its design was based on lessons learned in Vietnam, Weatherhead says.

The two-engine Black Hawk is less prone to crashes than the old Hueys, and if it does go down it better protects passengers and crew. Pilots also benefit from electronic assists, including GPS satellite guidance, for staying on course. However, Iraq's frequent dust storms penetrate sensitive parts, resulting in more maintenance headaches, Weatherhead says.

Flight planning is more thorough and time-consuming now. In Vietnam, helicopters were still relatively new to war. Flight procedures were less formal. A pilot would look at the assignment board in the morning and plan his mission almost on his own.

Now, it takes a team, and the Black Hawks always travel in pairs for safety.

These veterans generally applaud the changes, even if they say in some ways helicopter operations are more cumbersome with bureaucracy. And they especially welcome technology such as the Internet. In Vietnam, pen on paper through the U.S. mail was their main link to home. But several of them quickly added that there is something they miss: the chance to blow off steam the way they used to at the end of the day. They may be eligible for AARP membership, but the Army still tells them they can't have a beer here.

Worries about offending political and cultural sensitivities have "gone overboard in my opinion," says Chief Warrant Officer Robert Frist, 54, of Auburn, N.Y., who was in the Army during the Vietnam era but wasn't sent there.

A vanishing breed

A good place to find the veterans in Iraq is in the helicopter units. There's far less opportunity to fly like that in civilian life, so the soldiers who love it stay on as long as they can. But even there, few remain.

"We're getting to be a rare breed," says Dargue, who flies corporate helicopters in civilian life and wishes he could fly more in Iraq and spend less time on his staff job at the 42nd Division headquarters in Tikrit. "I'm not crazy about sitting behind a desk.

"While they're eager to fly, these pilots don't see themselves as trying to relive their sometimes wild and hard-charging youths. "With 36 years of perspective, I look at this one a whole lot differently than I look at that one," says Weatherhead, whose daughter, Sgt. Jennifer Tommasi, 30, is on her second tour in Iraq as an Army medic. Compared to Vietnam, "this is probably more difficult. In the big picture, this is probably more important," he says.

"I'm more aware of the historical context here. I'm more aware of the political context," he says. "There, I was a 20-year-old flying helicopters and having a grand time."

"I'm not even sure I want to talk about some of the things we did then," Browning says. He won the Distinguished Flying Cross for rescuing the crew of another helicopter that had been shot down by enemy fire that also soon forced his own Huey to land.

In Iraq, one of his proudest activities is volunteer work at a nearby children's home.

Iraq probably will be the last chance for these older veterans to mentor the younger ones on combat missions.

"Hopefully, we're role models for them and we do some mentorship," Browning says. What does he think of the younger pilots? "They're good, they're really good," he says.

Warrant Officer Jessica Howey, 29, of San Diego, who finished flight school in 2002, says she's learning every day from the older guys. Weatherhead is her instructor pilot and has schooled her on the changes made over the years. She sounds amazed at how the pilots then would dash to their aircraft and rush off to fight. "They just went." It was very different from the elaborate preflight planning of today. Now it takes hours, sometimes days, to prepare for a mission.

"They have a different mind-set," says Chief Warrant Officer James Dunn, 39, of Manassas, Va., probably because "they got shot at on every mission," something he says doesn't happen often in Iraq.

Chief Warrant Officer Ron Serafinowicz, 56, of Gilbert, Ariz., flew Hueys in Vietnam from June 1970 to June 1971. He says that being shot at, and seeing the results of weapons on others, changes a soldier's attitude. "Us old guys, we've seen that before," he says. "It's not an adventure to us like it was when we were young.

"The last cattle drive Col. Larry Wilson, a flight surgeon, says he's on the watch for hypertension, cardiac disease and other maladies of age that would ground the older vets. Mostly they're "a pretty healthy bunch" whose problems rarely exceed "telling dirty old men stories," he says. He also says the Vietnam veterans in Iraq have a good impact on the younger soldiers.

Weatherhead and Browning didn't know each other in Vietnam but have flown together for 20 years in the California National Guard since then. In Iraq, their careers have come full circle and their cockpit banter sometimes drifts into warm nostalgia.

On the aircraft intercom, the two men remain perfectionists, taking turns at the controls and discussing their own flying technique. They note improvements in technique that could be made by the other Black Hawk, piloted by one of the younger crews.

Weatherhead and Browning liken this deployment to the last cattle drive of a couple of cowboys. They call each other Gus and Woodrow, from Augustus McCrae and Woodrow Call, the retired Texas Rangers who lead a cattle drive in Lonesome Dove, Larry McMurtry's Pulitzer Prize-winning Western novel.

They talk about baking biscuits and the annoyances of getting older."Gus, this is hard on the old butt," Browning says.

"Yeah, my tailbone is killing me right now," Weatherhead says.

On this day, there are a couple of reminders of Vietnam. One of the Iraqi marshlands near the Tigris River looks a lot like the Mekong Delta, Weatherhead says. They watch as the other helicopter swoops slowly over a village to drop candy and toys for the kids, as they once did in Vietnam.

"Well, Augustus," Browning says. "It's a good day to be flying."

Source
0 Replies
 
Ticomaya
 
  1  
Reply Fri 24 Jun, 2005 10:28 am
Quote:
June 24, 2005, 11:46 a.m.
Rove Was Right about MoveOn
Just look at the record.

Some officials at the internet activist group MoveOn are denying charges made by top White House aide Karl Rove, who said in a speech to a conservative group in New York Wednesday that "In the wake of 9/11, conservatives believed it was time to unleash the might and power of the United States military against the Taliban; in the wake of 9/11 liberals believed it was time to submit a petition." Rove continued: "I am not joking. Submitting a petition is precisely what MoveOn.org did. It was a petition imploring the powers that be to 'use moderation and restraint in responding to the terrorist attacks against the United States.' "


After Rove's comments, MoveOn released a statement saying flatly, "MoveOn did not oppose the U.S. military action in Afghanistan." And in an interview with the Washington Post, reporter Dan Balz wrote that MoveOn political chief Eli Pariser "disputed Rove's characterization of the petition calling for moderation and restraint, saying that the petition was a personal project before he was affiliated with MoveOn and that it was not on the group's Web site at the time of the Afghanistan war."

Despite Pariser's contention, there is solid evidence that MoveOn did in fact oppose the war in Afghanistan, and that MoveOn founders Joan Blades and Wes Boyd hired Pariser in significant part because of his activism against the war.

The story began with a man who has received little attention in the controversy, a young film student named David Pickering. Visiting his parents' home in Brooklyn on September 11, 2001, Pickering immediately began to worry about the consequences of U.S. retaliation for the terrorist attacks. "It was this incredible moment in which all doors were opened and the world was seeming to come together," Pickering told me in an interview for my book, The Vast Left Wing Conspiracy. "I had this feeling that it would be a shame if that were spoiled by a spirit of vengeance."

The next day, September 12, Pickering wrote a petition calling on President Bush to use "moderation and restraint" in responding to 9/11 and "to use, wherever possible, international judicial institutions and international human rights law to bring to justice those responsible for the attacks, rather than the instruments of war, violence or destruction."

At the same time, Pariser, who had graduated from college the year before and was working at a liberal nonprofit organization in Massachusetts, was writing a similar petition, which he put on a website he created called 9-11peace.org. Pariser noticed Pickering's work and e-mailed him to suggest that they merge their sites. Pickering agreed, and 9-11peace.org featured a petition which read:

We implore the powers that be to use, wherever possible, international judicial institutions and international human rights law to bring to justice those responsible for the attacks, rather than the instruments of war, violence or destruction. Furthermore, we assert that the government of a nation must be presumed separate and distinct from any terrorist group that may operate within its borders, and therefore cannot be held unduly accountable for the latter's crimes. . .

Meanwhile, across the country in Berkeley, California, MoveOn founders Wes Boyd and Joan Blades were writing an anti-war petition of their own. Entitled "Justice, not Terror," it read, in full: "Our leaders are under tremendous pressure to act in the aftermath of the terrible events of Sept. 11th. We the undersigned support justice, not escalating violence, which would only play into the terrorists' hands."

As they staked out their own anti-war position, Blades and Boyd were also following the progress of 9-11peace.org. In a September 2004 interview for The Vast Left Wing Conspiracy, I asked Blades how she had come to know Pariser. "It was after 9/11," she told me. "He put out a message similar in results to the one we had, basically an e-mail petition asking for restraint. It went viral on an international scale. . . . Eli's petition grew to half a million in half a week. Peter [Schurman, the executive director of MoveOn] contacted him because he figured he probably needed some help. We did provide him with some assistance, and we started working together on other issues and eventually merged." In the end, their shared opposition to U.S.-military retaliation for the September 11 attacks brought Pariser and MoveOn together. (For his part, David Pickering moved to Paris to attend film school.)

Critics have suggested that at the very least, Rove's "liberals" charge was overbroad. That's a fair criticism. But as far as MoveOn is concerned, Rove's words were accurate and fair.
0 Replies
 
blatham
 
  1  
Reply Fri 24 Jun, 2005 10:39 am
Oh drat and double drat
Quote:
As President Bush's ratings have declined, so have the GOP's -- and, as we noted earlier this month, Republicans are losing approval points especially among self-described political independents. This week it looks like another important voting bloc may be defecting from the GOP: women. According to the EMILY's List Women's Monitor report released yesterday, fewer than one-third of female respondents believe the country is moving in the right direction -- and only a third of women who voted for George W. Bush plan to vote for a Republican congressional candidate.
http://www.salon.com/politics/war_room/index.html
0 Replies
 
Ticomaya
 
  1  
Reply Fri 24 Jun, 2005 10:58 am
blatham wrote:
[SNIP]


http://community.the-underdogs.org/smiley/misc/spam.gif
0 Replies
 
nimh
 
  1  
Reply Fri 24 Jun, 2005 12:38 pm
(Direct reactions to things posted here are allowed, right?)

Quote:
Karl Rove [..] said in a speech to a conservative group in New York Wednesday that "In the wake of 9/11, conservatives believed it was time to unleash the might and power of the United States military against the Taliban; in the wake of 9/11 liberals believed it was time to submit a petition." Rove continued: "I am not joking. Submitting a petition is precisely what MoveOn.org did. [..]"

Even if MoveOn.org did go the petition road, isn't there a deceipt in Rove's original assertion here? I mean, I can see how "Moveon.org" equates with "liberals", but how does "liberals" (as opposed to "some liberals" or the like) equate with MoveOn.org?

"In the wake of 9/11, conservatives believed it was time to unleash the might and power of the United States military against the Taliban; in the wake of 9/11 liberals believed it was time to submit a petition" -> doesn't the actual support of a great many liberals - most liberals, in fact - for the Afghanistan war totally undermine the dichotomy implied here about what conservatives stand for versus what liberals stand for? Hell, even I supported the Afghanistan war, and I'm left of liberal.

To substantiate that "conservatives wanted to fight the Taliban; liberals wanted to petition them", if I may paraphrase it so, you need more than to find the one or other liberal group doing so. You need to substantiate that there was indeed a general dichotomy like that.

I mean, basically, you can line up ten prominent liberal politicians, and eight will have proponed the Afghanistan war. So what's Rove on about?

I'm trying to come up with a parallel, but I'm wading into deep water here b/c of my incomplete knowledge of US history. But taking some basic elements from pre-WW2 politics - the Republican Party contained an isolationist tendency, Roosvelt is said to have been eager to join the war - let's take a hypothetical point in time when most all of Roosevelt's Democrats had come round to his insistence on fighting in WW2, but a minority (!) current in the Republican Party was still opposed. If looking back to that moment in time, I say: "In 194X, Democrats wanted to fight Hitler and Nazi totalitarianism; Republicans wanted to just ignore it", would I not be engaging in basic deceipt there? Even if I could Google up the one or other Republican group that indeed appealed to ignore the nazis?
0 Replies
 
Foxfyre
 
  1  
Reply Fri 24 Jun, 2005 12:40 pm
Rove compared liberals to conservatives. The 'other guy'(s) compared Democrats to Republicans. It isn't Rove's fault that the wacko element of the Democrat party changed his words.
0 Replies
 
Ticomaya
 
  1  
Reply Fri 24 Jun, 2005 12:46 pm
nimh wrote:
(Direct reactions to things posted here are allowed, right?)


Absolutely, Nimh.
0 Replies
 
Cycloptichorn
 
  1  
Reply Fri 24 Jun, 2005 12:59 pm
Nimh
Quote:
I mean, basically, you can line up ten prominent liberal politicians, and eight will have proponed the Afghanistan war. So what's Rove on about?


Rove shifts the discussion back to 9/11 and a typical Republican strength, Defense.

He promotes outrage from the opposite side who immediately casitgate him. His message is repeated on TV, again.

Another round of news stories comes up discussing the whole thing. His message is repeated on TV, again.

He's a sneaky bastard, that's for sure. I can't believe more people aren't concerned that he is the highest placed official in our gov't besides Bush now...

Cycloptichorn
0 Replies
 
Foxfyre
 
  1  
Reply Fri 24 Jun, 2005 01:09 pm
http://home.comcast.net/~steveheadley1/04.11.16.WatchYourSix-X.gif
0 Replies
 
nimh
 
  1  
Reply Fri 24 Jun, 2005 01:11 pm
Foxfyre wrote:
Rove compared liberals to conservatives.

But most liberals did support the war against the Taliban. So what is Rove on about when he says: "conservatives believed it was time to [attack] the Taliban; [..] liberals believed it was time to submit a petition"?

Finding any one liberal organisation that did so hardly justifies the implied dichotomy of conservatives vs liberals here, seeing how most liberals actually did believe it was time to attack, too.
0 Replies
 
Foxfyre
 
  1  
Reply Fri 24 Jun, 2005 01:13 pm
There is no denying that the congressional response to 9/11 was more exemplary than usual and for a short time we actually had a sense of unity and a common cause in Washington. There is also no denying that the liberal factions were the first to jump off that wagon, start pointing fingers of incrimination at us, and who have been beating the drum of negativism and blame America (or George Bush) first ever since.

And it was ONLY liberals who took to the airways and the internet and the print media to point out the sins of America that drove the poor terrorists to do what they did.

Rove didn't point fingers at the Democrats. But if the Democrats don't feel a bit guilty about all that, why would they be so incensed by it?
0 Replies
 
Cycloptichorn
 
  1  
Reply Fri 24 Jun, 2005 01:16 pm
There is no denying that the day the Liberals started jumping ship was the day we started hearing about a war in Iraq when we still hadn't caught Osama Bin Laden (45 months now, btw)

We're the only ones keeping our eyes on the ball, apparently...

Cycloptichorn
0 Replies
 
Foxfyre
 
  1  
Reply Fri 24 Jun, 2005 01:28 pm
Well as Rove didn't mention Congress when he made his remarks, and he didn't mention Democrats when he made his remark even though he could have, he has been accused of much that he hasn't said. He remarked that it was liberals who blamed the United States and opposed war period. And it was.
0 Replies
 
nimh
 
  1  
Reply Fri 24 Jun, 2005 01:45 pm
Foxfyre wrote:
Well as Rove didn't mention Congress when he made his remarks, and he didn't mention Democrats when he made his remark even though he could have, he has been accused of much that he hasn't said. He remarked that it was liberals who blamed the United States and opposed war period. And it was.

But liberals did NOT, in the main, oppose the war against the Taliban - which is quite specifically what he was asserting.

What Rove is doing here is trying to conflate the war in Afghanistan (which most liberals supported) with that in Iraq (which many liberals opposed). So are you, in fact.

The reason why is obvious enough - the war in Afghanistan is still popular and widely considered justified, while that in Iraq is impopular and much less unanimously considered justified. When liberals decry the Iraq war, they hit a chord. By pretending that said decrial = not having wanted to go to war against the Taliban in the first place (something that most Americans would consider despicable or pathetic), Rove is hitting two flies at once. But true it is not: it's an (I assume deliberate) deception.
0 Replies
 
Foxfyre
 
  1  
Reply Fri 24 Jun, 2005 01:49 pm
According to at least David Miller, the statistics re world opinion don't back you up, Nimh. Probably most Americans did support the war against the Taliban, but then most Americans aren't left wing liberal while maybe most Europeans are?

World opinion opposes the attack on Afghanistan
By Dr. David Miller Stirling Media Research Institute, University of Stirling 21 November 2001

According to Tony Blair and George Bush respectively, 'world opinion' and the 'collective will of the world' supported the attack on Afghanistan. Yet analysis of international opinion polls shows that with only three exceptions majorities in all countries polled have opposed the policy of the US and UK governments. Furthermore there have been consistent majorities against the current action in the UK and sizeable numbers of the US population had reservations about the bombing.

World opinion

The biggest poll of world opinion was carried out by Gallup International in 37 countries in late September (Gallup International 2001).

It found that apart from the US, Israel and India a majority of people in every country surveyed preferred extradition and trial of suspects to a US attack. Clear and sizeable majorities were recorded in the UK (75%) and across Western Europe from 67% in France to 87% in Switzerland. Between 64% (Czech Republic) and 83 % (Lithuania) of Eastern Europeans concurred as did varying majorities in Korea, Pakistan, South Africa and Zimbabwe.

An even more emphatic answer obtained in Latin America where between 80% (Panama) and 94% (Mexico) favoured extradition. The poll also found that majorities in the US and Israel (both 56%) did not favour attacks on civilians. Yet such polls have been ignored by the media and by many of the polling companies.

After the bombing started opposition seems to have grown in Europe. As only the Mirror has reported, by early November 65 per cent in Germany and 69 per cent in Spain wanted the US attacks to end (Yates, 2001).

Meanwhile in Russia polls before and after the bombing show majorities opposed to the attacks. One slogan which reportedly commanded majority support doing the rounds in Moscow at the end of September was 'World War III - Without Russia' (Agency WPS 2001).

After the bombing started Interfax reported a Gallup International poll showing a majority of Moscow residents against the US military action (BBC Worldwide Monitoring 2001)



Polling companies

The questions asked by a number of polling companies such as MORI, Gallup and ICM have been seriously inadequate. They have failed to give respondents a range of possible options in relation to the war.

When polling companies do ask about alternatives, support for war falls away quite markedly. In the UK prior to the bombing all except one poll, which asked the question, showed a majority against bombing if it caused civilian casualties.

After the bombing started UK polling companies stopped asking about concern for civilians. From the start of the bombing to the fall of Kabul on 13 November there were only four polls on British opinion (by ICM (2001a, 2001b) and MORI (2001a, 2001b)) compared with 7 between the 11 September and the start of the bombing on October 7.

None has asked adequate questions about alternatives to bombing. ICM did ask one alternative questions about whether bombing should stop to allow aid into Afghanistan and 54% said it should (Guardian October 30). Where questions about aid or alternatives to bombing are asked the results have been consistent: Clear and sometimes massive majorities against the bombing.



In an ignored poll, the Scottish Sunday Mail found that fully 69% of Scots favoured sanctions, diplomacy or bringing Bin Laden to trial. Only 17% favoured his execution and a minuscule 5% supported bombing (21 October).

The Herald in Glasgow also found only 6% favoured the then current policy of bombing alone (3 November). It is well known that Scottish opinion tends to be to the left of UK opinion, but not by more than a few points on average.

Although the Press Association picked up on the Herald poll it was not reported in the British national press. Between the start of the bombing and the fall of Kabul, (with the exception of the single question in the Guardian poll showing 54% in favour of a pause in bombing) not a single polling company asked the British public any questions about alternatives to war.



It is not altogether clear whether the lack of options given to poll respondents is due to the media or the polling companies.

Certainly both UK and US polling companies have been guilty of misrepresenting their own data almost without exception overemphasising support for the war. For example Mori claimed that their polling in late October had 'extinguished any lingering doubt' that support was 'fading' (Mortimore 2001).

Of course this completely ignores all the poll data which would give an alternative view and the fact that the polling questions have been inadequate. Furthermore, according to Bob Worcester of MORI, (in an address to an London School of Economics meeting on the media and the war on 15 November) the text of press reports on their polls are 'approved' by MORI itself before they are published.

This is clearly a matter of good practice and should be applauded. But the benefit is fairly marginal, if MORI are content for the press to distort the level of opposition by concentrating on the 'overwhelming' support for the war and relegating opposition to the war to the end of reports.



Media reporting

It comes as a surprise to many in the UK and US to discover that opinion is so markedly opposed to or ambivalent about the current action. One key reason is that the polls have been systematically misreported in the media.

Both television and the press in the US and UK have continued to insist that massive majorities support the bombing. Senior BBC journalists have expressed surprise and disbelief when shown the evidence from the opinion polls.

One told me that she didn't believe that the polling companies were corrupt and that she thought it unlikely that the Guardian would minimise the opposition to the war.

This was days after the Guardian published a poll purporting to show that 74% supported the bombing (Travis 2001, 12 October). What the BBC journalist hadn't noticed was that the Guardian's polls had asked only very limited questions and failed to give respondents the option of saying they would prefer diplomatic solutions.

In the poll on 12 October one question was asked but only if people thought enough had been done diplomatically. Given that the government and the media had been of the opinion that enough had been done and alternative voices were marginalised, it is surprising that as many as 37% said that enough had not been done.



Furthermore the Guardian's editorial position has offered (qualified) support for the war and it did not cover the demonstrations in London and Glasgow on 13 October.

As a result of a 'flurry' of protests this was raised by the readers' editor at the Guardian's editorial meeting on 14 October and the editor agreed that this had been a 'mistake'.

But, the readers editor revealed that it is the papers 'general policy' not to cover marches (Mayes 2001), thus condemning dissent to the margins of the news agenda and leaving the field open for those with the resources to stage 'proper' news events.

Elsewhere in the media, almost every poll has been interpreted to indicate popular support for the war. Where that interpretation is extremely difficult journalists have tried to squeeze the figures to fit. One Scottish newspaper was so concerned at the low numbers supporting bombing that they phoned me to ask how best to interpret the findings.

Another paper, the Sunday Mail showed only 5% support for bombing and 69% favouring conflict resolution. Nevertheless the closest they got to this in their headline was that Scots were 'split' on bombing (21 October 2001).



TV news reporters have routinely covered demonstrations in Britain and the US as if they represent only a small minority of opinion. The underlying assumption is that demonstrators only represent themselves rather than seeing them as an expression of a larger constituency of dissent.

Thus BBC reporters claim that 'the opinion polls say that a majority of UK public opinion backs the war' (BBC1 Panorama, 14 October 2001) or in reporting the demonstrations in London that 'Despite the strength of feelings here today those opposed to military action are still very much in the minority' (BBC1 News 13 October 2001 21.50).

These reports are at best naÏve, at worst mendacious, and a clear violation of the legal requirement of the BBC to be balanced. In the US dissent has been markedly harder to find in the news media (Solomon 2001). The pictures of dead children featured in the rest of the world press been hard to find (Lucas 2001) and the debate on the use of cluster bombs and the 'daisy cutter' bombs (a weapon of mass destruction) which were debated in the mainstream UK media in late October were almost non existent on the television news in the US.

CNN continued to report under the heading 'America Strikes back' which is of itself a woefully partial version of what was happening. Polling companies in the US have given their respondents little choice of policy options.



Where they have asked a variety of questions answers opposing US policy have been downplayed in media reports. The New York Times reported on 25 September that 92% of respondents agreed that the US should take military action against whoever is responsible for the attacks'.

But the text of the report belied the 'support for war' headline indicating that fully 78% felt that the US should wait until it was certain who is responsible', before responding. As Edward Herman, leading critic of US foreign Policy has written of the inadequacy of polls which do not ask about extradition, civilian casualties, or whether they would support action which breaches international law (Herman 2001).

One little reported poll for Newsweek in early October showed that '58 percent of respondents said the U.S. government's support for Israel may have been the cause' of the attacks, thus indicating that America may have struck first rather that simply striking back as CNN would have it.

Furthermore there is evidence that dissent in the US is being underrepresented in responses to opinion polls. In a Gallup poll 31% agreed that the attacks on the US had made them 'less likely to say things that might be unpopular?' (http://www.gallup.com/poll/releases/). And opposition to the war is pretty unpopular in media coverage of the war.

When Bill Maher, host of the Politically Incorrect chat show criticised remarks by Bush describing the WTC attackers as 'cowards', the White House spokesman Ari Fleischer said: 'There are reminders to all Americans that they need to watch what they do, and this is not a time for remarks like that' (Usborne 2001). His show lost advertisers and was dropped by some networks.



Conclusion

The most fundamental problem with the polls is that they assume the public has perfect information. But, notwithstanding some dissent in the press, the media in the UK, and even more emphatically in the US, have been distorting what is happening in Afghanistan especially on civilian casualties and alternatives to war.

To ask about approval of what is happening assumes that people actually know what is happening.

But given that a large proportion of the population receives little but misinformation and propaganda (especially on TV news which is most peoples main source of information) then it is less surprising that some should approve of what they are told is happening - that the US and UK are doing their best to avoid civilian casualties, that Blair exercises a moderating influence on Bush.

When they are asked their own preferences about what should happen (rather than approval questions about what is happening) then there is much less support, even in the US.

In other words there is no world support for the attack on Afghanistan and public opinion in the US and UK is at best dubious and at worst flatly opposed to what is happening. If Bush and Blair were really democrats, they would never have started the bombing.



David Miller is a member of the Stirling Media Research Institute. http://staff.stir.ac.uk/david.miller
*Author's observation. The author spent 10 days in the US between 26th October and 4th November
and compared the news in the US with the debates taking place in the media in the UK.

References

Agency WPS (2001) 'What the papers say. Part I', October 1, 2001, Monday 'RUSSIANS WON'T SUPPORT PUTIN IF HE INVOLVES RUSSIA IN RETALIATION' Zavtra, September 27, 2001, p. 1

BBC Worldwide Monitoring (2001) 'Public poll sees threat to Russia from US military action' Interfax news agency, Moscow, in English 1137 gmt 9 Oct 01. October 9, 2001, Tuesday, Gallup International (2001) 'Gallup International Poll on terrorism in the US',
http://www.gallup-international.com/surveys.htm

ICM (2001a) ' ICM RESEARCH / GUARDIAN POLL OCTOBER 2001', published in the Guardian, 12
October. http://www.icmresearch.co.uk/reviews/2001/guardian-afghan-poll-oct-2001.htm
ICM (2001b) ' ICM RESEARCH / THE GUARDIAN AFGHAN POLL - OCTOBER 2001', published in the
Guardian, 30 October.
http://www.icmresearch.co.uk/reviews/2001/guardian-afghan2-poll-oct-2001.htm
Herman, E. (2001) 'Nuggets from a nuthouse', Z Magazine, November.
Lucas, S. (2001) 'How a free press censors itself', New Statesman, 12 November, 14-15.
Mayes, I. (2001) 'Leading lights', The Guardian, Saturday review, 20 October: 7.
MORI (2001a) 'First poll on the Afghanistan War: Britons fully support Blair but fear retaliatory Strikes'
Poll for Tonight with Trevor McDonald, 11 October, 10.20pm, ITV.
http://www.mori.com/polls/granada.shtml
MORI (2001b) 'War of Afghanistan Poll' for the Mail on Sunday, 4 November 2001,
http://www.mori.com/polls/2001/ms011104.shtml
Mortimore, R. (2001) 'Commentary: Britain at war' 26 October,
http://www.mori.com/digest/2001/c011026.shtml
Solomon, N. (2001 'TV news: a militarised zone', Znet, 9 October,
http://www.zmag.org/solomonzone.htm

Usborne, D. (2001) 'Jokers and peaceniks face patriotic wrath', Independent on Sunday, 30 September: 7. Yates, N. (2001) 'War on Terror: the World questions America', The Mirror, 9 November.

This article sourced from http://www.mwaw.org

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0 Replies
 
FreeDuck
 
  1  
Reply Fri 24 Jun, 2005 02:15 pm
Do you think Karl Rove was talking about American Conservatives vs. European Liberals?
0 Replies
 
Foxfyre
 
  1  
Reply Fri 24 Jun, 2005 05:00 pm
No, I think Rove was talking about the wacko fringe of the liberal media and elsewhere who seem to think it their sworn duty to be anti-American, anti-military everything and oppose anything positive that could possibly be brought out of anything. The article posted also mentioned the U.S. opposition early on too.
0 Replies
 
blatham
 
  1  
Reply Fri 24 Jun, 2005 05:13 pm
Rove is simply doing what Rove has always done in order to get losing polls up...lie, spread hatred, set americans against americans. Rove's game is to divide through attempts to bully moderates out of power then describe his opponents as being extremists, when that is a self-definition. He's been at this same technique since college republican days. Utterly predictable.

It's hard to say what is the worst character trait of this scuzzbag, but I'd go with personal cowardice. He's not felt any need to place himself to be a soldier, but he's sure happy to put thousands of american kids in those sights in fox's cartoon just so as to have a 'war president'. Despicable bastard, if you don't mind my personal take.
0 Replies
 
 

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