@msolga,
Here are some of the information you ask for concerning studies and females willingness to turn to violence themselves toward males.
I suggest you might wish to go to the link below for more details.
Oh another personal note I had a former co-worker who woke up to find his wife about to place a knife into him.
http://pubpages.unh.edu/~mas2/VB33R%20Women's%20Violence%20Toward%20Men.pdf
Family Conflict Studies
Nntiorznl Fnniily Vivleizce Siiriieys. These studies have obtained data from
nationally representative samples of 2,113 married and cohabiting
couples in 1975 and 6,002 couples in 1985. In both surveys, the rate of
female-to-male assault was slightly higher than the rate of male-tofemale
assault (Straus & Gelles, 1986, 1990). Because the seeming
equality in assault rates may occur because of a tendency by men to
underreport their own assaults (Dutton, 1988; Stets & Straus, 1990), the
assault rates were recomputed for this chapter on the basis of information
provided by the 2,994 women in the 1985 National Family
Violeuce Survey The resulting overall rate for assaults by women was
121 per 1,000 couples, as compared to 122 per 1,000 for assaults by men
ns reporfed by their female p ~ ~ t i ~ eTrhsi.s difference is not great enough to
be statistically reliable.
Separate rates were also computed for minor and severe assaults.
The rate of minor assaults by women was 78 per 1,000 couples, compared
wit11 a rate for men of 72 per 1,000. The severe assault rate
was 46 per 1,000 couples for assaults by women and 50 per 1,000 for
58 DEFINITION AND MEASUKCMENT CONTKOVERSIES: WOMEN'S VIOLENCE
assaults by men. Neither difference is statistically significant. Since
these rates are based exclusively on information provided by women
respondents, the near-equality in assault rates cannot be attributed to a
gender bias in reporting.
Other Funlily Violmce Szirzvys. There have been more than 100 family
violence surveys, whicli have used a variety of measures and reported
similar results. This includes research by respected scholars such
as Scanzoni (1978) and O'Leary, Malone, and Tyree (1994); and largescale
studies such as the Los Angeles Epidemiology Catchment Area
study (Sorenson & Telles, 1991), the National Survey of Households
and Families (Brush, 1990), the Dunedin, New Zealand, birth cohort
study (Moffitt, Caspi, Rutter, & Silva, 2001), and a statewide survey
conducted for the Kentucky Commission on Women.
The Kentucky study raises a troublesome question of scientific
ethics, because it is one of several in which the data on assaults by
women were intentionally suppressed. The existence of that data
became knorzm only because FIornung, McCullough, and Sugimoto
(1981) obtained the computer tape and found that, among the violent
couples, 38 percent werr attacks by women on men who, as reported
by the women themselves, had not attacked them. More often, the
strategy to maintain the myth that partner assault is exclusively a male
crime has been to omit questions that ask about violence by women, as
for example in the Canadian National Survey of Violence against
Women.
Samples of "Bnttered Wmieiz." Studies of residents in shelters for
battered women are sometimes cited to show that it is only male partners
who are violent. However, these studies display the pattern of
deception and cover-up noted in the previous paragraph. They rarely
obtain or report information on assaults by women; and when they do,
they ask only about women's use of violence in self-defense. One of the
few exceptions is Walker (19841, who found that 1 out of 4 women in
battering relationsliips responded affirmatively when asked if she had
"used physical force to get something you wanted" (p. 174). Giles-Sims
(1983) also found that in the year prior to coming to a shelter, 50 percent
of the women reported assaulting their partner, and in the six months
after leaving the shelter, 41.7percent reported an assaiilt against a partner.
Giles-Sims's case study data suggest that is not likely these assaults
were in self-defense.