georgeob1 wrote:Well you have me on a point of grammar. I did write election (singular), when in fact I had in mind the net result of the two, closely-spaced elections. I used the plural in my subsequent reference to clarify the matter, not to hide an error in argument. You may chose to believe or reject that as you wish, but it is the truth.
Allright. I dont get why you didnt pick up on my response the first time round and initially just repeated your point, ignoring the objection, but sure, in good faith it was.
So has the result of these parliamentary elections made any impact on your assessment of the situation? Or do you basically maintain the analysis you already offered after the presidential elections, tout court? The news headlines seem to echo my suggestion that such conclusions need to be at least conditionalised now.
georgeob1 wrote:It seems to me that, though he was the head of the consdervative party in France, neither in his rhetoric nor in his actions did [Chirac] pursue a conservative policy.
Depends on how you define "conservative". Originally, conservatives were not too keen on capitalism, globalisation and the market economy, as they threw the existing order upside down, whereas the conservatives wanted to, well, conserve it. Compared to the preceding more feudal systems, capitalism brought social mobility, and it also greatly expanded the scale of things, which uprooted existing communities and their time-tested (or -worn) structures - much to the conservatives' consternation.
OK, so we dont live in the 18th or 19th century anymore, and things and terminologies have changed enormously, obviously.
But in much of Europe, at least, conservatism isnt quite as eponymously (argh, how do you spell that) wedded to the celebration of capitalism and the market as it is in the US. For sure, most conservative parties are champions of the market economy compared to their leftwing opponents. But there is also enough of an inbuilt cautiousness that the term "conservatism" implies, enough of a conservative tenet that one should respect the social structures and communities as they have organically grown as an autonomous value, enough to create wariness of all too drastic change.
In Holland, one of the three parties that in the seventies merged into a new Christian-democratic party was called the "Anti-Revolutionary Party". It was our most consistently conservative party, and opposed any attempt to drastically remake society, whichever side it came from - whether it was red (socialist) or brown (fascist). The Anti-Revolutionaries would not, by and large, have approved of the Thatcherite revolution, for example - as some old-fashioned Tories did not, either.
Instead, major European conservative icons like Adenauer and De Gaulle have been leading figures in creating something like a welfare state in the beginning.
Well, you know all that.
It is this more old-fashioned, pre-Reaganite, pre-Thatcherite character that many European conservative parties still preserve to some extent that has left the space in the political debate for a third main current. Aside from the socialist/social-democratic/labour current and the christian-democratic/conservative current, many countries here have a liberal current of secular bent, which vociferously pushes a free market agenda in a way that mainstream christian-democrats/conservatives sometimes shy away from.
In Germany, for example, you have the Free Democrat FDP playing that role. The reason why became clear in the last elections: when Christian-Democratic leader Angela Merkel appeared to all too enthusiastically embrace a radical market identity (flat tax and the like), she was immediately rebuffed by the voter: her party dropped in the polls, she sacked her economic adviser, and steering to the center managed to just salvage a few points lead against the SPD, where she'd long seemed to head for a landslide.
In this respect, much of Europe is different from the US, where the conservative party, the Republicans, has always also been the more capitalist one, the representative of business and market interest.
In Eastern Europe the "old" interpretation of what conservatism is about still reverberates in particular.
In countries like Poland and Hungary, it is an alliance of liberals and social-democrats (the former communist apparatchiks) that are seen to be the more enthusiastic pushers for market liberalisation, privatisation etc. This is associated with "Westernness", and secular culture. The conservative parties, on the other hand, insist on an agenda of national pride, religiosity and a degree of cultural and economic protectionism, which automatically comes with a rejection of too much capitalism, with criticism of those EU-imposed market reforms.
In Serbia too, it is Kostunica's moderately nationalist DSS that is considered the conservative party, as opposed to the pro-EU, pro-market, pro-reform Democratic Party of President Tadic that is considered the "liberal" one.
In this historical tradition and European context, one could well say that Chirac was more of a classic conservative than Sarkozy is, with his radical plans to remake France and upset all that is part of the status quo. Chirac was never a Thatcherite, obviously, and Sarkozy is, to some extent. But in a way Chirac was the "real" conservative, the traditional conservative.
He even had the corruption scandals to go with it