Lola comments on my 'subjective opinion' while providing her subjective opinion

. (I do agree that nonprejudicial SOP is to treat everybody exactly the same.)
I continue to state that my opinion on the issue of the subtle racism inherent in the Democrat effort to block Bush appointees is just that, opinion. However I believe it is informed opinion. This, in my opinion, is not prejudicial racism but is the kind that keeps the minorities 'on the farm', 'in the camp', 'in line'. As the Bush administration has been the most aggressive administration ever in appointing qualified minorities and women to high level positions, I think the Democrats see this as a real threat to their hold on the hearts and minds (i.e. fears) of a majority of Americans who see themselves as part of a minority group.
'He Is Latino'
Why Dems borked Estrada, in their own words.
Saturday, November 15, 2003 12:01 a.m. EST
Now that the Senate has concluded its 30-hour talkathon on judicial filibusters, we thought readers might like to peer inside the filibustering Democratic mind, such as it is.
This plunge into the murky deep comes from staff strategy memos we've obtained from the days when Democrats ran the Senate Judiciary Committee in 2001-02. Or, rather, appeared to run the committee. Their real bosses are the liberal interest groups that more or less tell the Senators when to sit, speak and roll over--and which Bush judges to confirm or not. Here are some excerpts:
November 6, 2001/To: Senator Dick Durbin
"You are scheduled to meet with leaders of several civil rights organizations to discuss their serious concerns with the judicial nomination process. The leaders will likely include: Ralph Neas (People For the American Way), Kate Michelman (NARAL), Nan Aron (Alliance for Justice), Wade Henderson (Leadership Conference on Civil Rights), Leslie Proll (NAACP Legal Defense & Education Fund), Nancy Zirkin (American Association of University Women), Marcia Greenberger (National Women's Law Center), and Judy Lichtman (National Partnership). . . .
". . . The primary focus will be on identifying the most controversial and/or vulnerable judicial nominees. The groups would like to postpone action on these nominees until next year, when (presumably) the public will be more tolerant of partisan dissent."
November 7, 2001/To: Senator Durbin
"The groups singled out three--Jeffrey Sutton (6th Circuit); Priscilla Owen (5th Circuit); and Caroline [sic] Kuhl (9th Circuit)--as a potential nominee for a contentious hearing early next year, with a [sic] eye to voting him or her down in Committee. They also identified Miguel Estrada (D.C. Circuit) as especially dangerous, because he has a minimal paper trail, he is Latino, and the White House seems to be grooming him for a Supreme Court appointment. They want to hold Estrada off as long as possible."
February 28, 2002/To: SENATOR [Kennedy]
"Ralph Neas called to let us know that he had lunch with Andy Stern of SEIU. Andy wants to be helpful as we move forward on judges, and he has great contacts with Latino media outlets . . ."
April 17, 2002/To: SENATOR [Kennedy]
"Elaine Jones of the NAACP Legal Defense Fund tried to call you today. . . . Elaine would like the Committee to hold off on any 6th Circuit nominees until the University of Michigan case regarding the constitutionality of affirmative action in higher education is decided by the en banc 6th Circuit. . . . The thinking is that the current 6th Circuit will sustain the affirmative action program, but if a new judge with conservative views is confirmed before the case is decided, that new judge will be able, under 6th Circuit rules, to review the case and vote on it."
June 12, 2002/To: SENATOR (Kennedy)
"...Ultimately, if [Chairman Pat] Leahy insists on having an August hearing, it appears that the groups are willing to let [Timothy] Tymkovich [10th Circuit] go through (the core of the coalition made that decision last night, but they are checking with the gay rights groups)."
Mr. Tymkovich apparently got the gay OK.
http://www.opinionjournal.com/editorial/feature.html?id=110004305
Also
http://www.opinionjournal.com/editorial/feature.html?id=110004617
May 03, 2005, 8:05 a.m.
Race, Sex & Roe
The judicial storm in the Senate.
By Peter Kirsanow
Professor Steven Calabresi of Northwestern University Law School maintains that the Democrats'' unprecedented filibuster of federal appellate-court nominees is driven by the party''s imperative to retain its political advantage with minorities and women. Professor Calabresi notes that nominees such as ""Miguel Estrada, who is Hispanic, Janice Rogers Brown, who is African American, Bill Pryor, a brilliant young Catholic, and two white women, Priscilla Owen and Carolyn Kuhl."" are victims of Democrats'' determination ""not to allow any more conservative African-Americans, Hispanics, women or Catholics to be groomed for nomination to the High Court with court of appeals appointments.""
On the other hand, John Leo contends that the judicial filibuster threat is all about abortion politics.
Each is partially right.
If the example of Janice Rogers Brown (along with non-judicial appointments such as Condoleezza Rice, Colin Powell and Alphonso Jackson) can convince a mere ten percent of the black electorate to consider switching allegiances to the GOP, the Democratic party will go the way of the Whigs.
Consequently, the most vigorous Borking is often reserved for minorities. A memo to Senator Richard Durbin unearthed during the Senate "Memogate" controversy identified Estrada as ""especially dangerous"" because ""he is Latino."" During his confirmation process, he was vilified as ""inauthentic"" and ""Hispanic in name only."" Despite impressive credentials, he was dismissed as inexperienced and unqualified.
Similarly, Janice Rogers Brown has been called a female Clarence Thomas (this is supposed to be a bad thing) and out of the mainstream. She has been caricatured as a right-wing extremist despite the fact that she has been reelected to the supreme court in the state of California, the electorate of which is hardly radically conservative, by an astonishing 76 percent of the vote. If the objective consensus regarding Judge Brown could be reduced to three words, they would be: sober and brilliant.
But while minority and female Republican judicial nominees may stir the most vehement opposition, is their disparate treatment truly based on race or sex? The fact that similarly situated white males are being forced to run the same gauntlet as Estrada, Brown, and Owen, suggests that race and sex are not the only reasons for the opposition. Indeed, several white male GOP nominees also have been subject to the filibuster threat: Terrence Boyle, William Pryor, William Meyers, and Brett Kavanaugh.
This is where Leo''s thesis comes in. While Calabresi notes that Democratic trepidation about Catholic nominees may be fueling the Pryor filibuster threat, Leo asserts that it''s actually a nominee''s demonstrated or suspected stance on abortion, not the nominee''s religion, that dictates whether the threat will be invoked. And although it''s true that an abortion litmus test may have a disparate impact on faithful Catholics, the same could be said for Evangelicals, Muslims, and Orthodox Jews (and for that matter, agnostic textualists).
Special vituperation, however, seems to be reserved for minority nominees suspected of being pro-life. Estrada, Rogers Brown, Claude Allen, and Levanski Smith were/are among these apostates. Pro-life minority nominees represent the perfect storm for Left-leaning opposition groups: non-conformist role models from the Left''s most reliable voting blocs who may one day be in a position to reconsider Roe v. Wade. Better to filibuster them than to have a televised debate on the Senate floor that might raise interesting and useful questions concerning the merits of monolithic minority support for one party or an unyielding defense of Roe.