Thomas wrote:kelticwizard wrote:The "logic" of the supporters of this war gets more strained every day. They know that Bush sold the country a bill of goods from the start in Iraq, and now that the country is waking up they are willing to say anything, no matter how ridiculous, in an attempt to prop this war up.
My own favorite test for the logic of someone's argument is to go back a few years and see which side had to change its story to continue supporting its policy conclusion. Remember the time when Howard Dean was the one commonly portrayed as a raving, extremist ideologue, and Cheney and Powell were portrayed as the forward-looking tough-minded strategists who looked the enemy straight in the eye? Today Dean's story continues to sound pretty realistic, and Powell had to admit that his UN speech was the low point of his carreer. (Kudos to Powell for being enough of a
mensch to admit it by the way. His companions preferred to repeatedly change their story so they could continue justifying the invasion.)
What a ridiculous test of logic, the point driven home by the fact that you offer as proof of its efficacy, your personal opinion about the rantings of Howard Dean.
No wonder it's
your favorite test.
cicerone imposter wrote:Fd'A doesn't understand what motivates the insurgents. It's not based on how the world media covers this mess in Iraq.
Only Bush and supporters want to silence those that disagree with their policies in Iraq; The biggest boondagle in American history.
Since most Americanw want our troops out of Iraq, fd'A thinks most Americans are wrong and only Bushco is right. What a sad bunch - they don't trust Americans.
What a pathetic distortion of my arguments. You just continue to spout the same nonsense not really caring whether or not it will stick because all that matters is if you please the sensibilities of your little A2K enclave.
As much as I personally would like you and your pals to shut the f*ck up, I have never endorsed silencing you, and I think you would be hard pressed to find any number of conservative A2K posters who have.
Whether you accept it or not our commenting on what the consequences of your speech may be is not an attempt to silence it. I fully appreciate that you don't want to be brought down from your self-important, sanctimonious high, but too bad.
I think I do understand what motivates the insurgents but I certainly have my doubts about you. What do you think motivates them?
How hard is it to understand the very simple concept that if someone really wants something to happen, then any news that it might happen will be encouraging?
You want to argue for withdrawal without any consideration of the consequences. Sorry - I'm not going to let you.
You're not going to let me what? That the majority of Amercans want our troops out by the end of this year? Shut me up>? Get real!
cicerone imposter wrote:You're not going to let me what? That the majority of Amercans want our troops out by the end of this year? Shut me up>? Get real!
You do have a reading comprehension problem, don't you?
You want to argue for withdrawal without any consideration of the consequences. Sorry - I'm not going to let you.
Let me put this as simply as I can:
I am going to point out the consequences of immediate withdrawal when you argue in its favor.
Wait, maybe that's not simple enough:
When you call for immediate withdrawal I am going to tell you that your call emboldens the insurgents.
Sorry, I can't dumb it down any further. If you still don't understand, we'll all just have to live with it.
If you consider this an attempt to shut you up, I'm not surprised.
Emboldens the insurgents? Show proof. Not your personal opinion.
You probably missed NightLine the other night when they had representatives from the different interest groups of Iraq. They all agreed that our occupation causes the increase in insurgency.
cicerone imposter wrote:Emboldens the insurgents? Show proof. Not your personal opinion.
You require what .... an interview with an "insurgent" who admits to being emboldened?
Look finn. I've got nothing against you and hold no bad feelings towards you. I disagree with you often, but that's no big deal. Perhaps when whatever heat is in the air dissipates we might speak again to some good effect.
I bet if I wanted to I could program a Nightline with a group consisting of somebody who had been abducted by aliens, somebody who converses with ghosts and channels ancient spirits, somebody who makes a living marketing modern Rembrandts, and somebody who can recite Beowulf backwards from memory. And every one of these would have been in Toledo at some time.
No doubt there would be somebody gullible enough to believe that these were representative of the citizens of Ohio.
Thursday, August 4, 2005 e-mail this story |Insurgents no different than Minutemen
To the editor:
In 1776 a group of "insurgents," in those days called Patriots, Minutemen, and Rebels, took on the world's greatest military superpower. The "occupiers" were exploiting the "insurgents" and stealing their resources, but the poorly equipped and untrained "insurgents" prevailed because there is no greater cause than fighting for freedom and the right to self determination.
"Insurgents" invented and used the concept of "guerilla warfare," and did such cowardly things as attacking from buildings, and from behind stone walls, which were considered barbaric tactics by the superpower. Fighting with greater motivation, the "insurgents" brought the world's military superpower to its knees and drove the "occupiers" from their land, and exercised the universally recognized right of "self determination."
Fast forward to Iraq where another group of ill equipped, poorly trained "insurgents" are taking on the world's greatest superpower using guerilla warfare tactics.
"Insurgents" are focused on driving the "occupiers" from their land, seeking freedom, and exercising the universally recognized right of "self determination."
Hear the screams of the founding fathers from their graves, as they see how far this nation has strayed from its history, origin, and principles?
Joseph Clifford
Jamestown
March 28, 2005 Issue
Copyright © 2005 The American Conservative
Bush's Napoleon Complex
What the French experience in Spain could teach us about Iraq
by Gregory Cochran
No two wars are ever the same any more than you can step on the same banana peel twice. That said, Napoleon's invasion and occupation of Spain, from 1808 to 1814?-the war that gave us the word "guerrilla" and was immortalized in Goya's "Third of May," the war that drained France's army, smashed Napoleon's reputation for invincibility, and left Spain thrashing like a broken-backed snake for decades?-has striking similarities to our invasion and occupation of Iraq.
Both wars started under the influence of similar delusions. Napoleon thought that the Spanish would roll over and play dead as so many other European states had; he thought marching to Madrid and placing his brother Joseph on the throne would complete the subjugation of Spain. We pretty much thought the same: crushing Saddam's army would be easy; we would then install a pro-American government (Ahmad the Thief) and have most of our Army home by fall.
The invasions went well, as expected, but in each case a tiresome guerrilla war broke out. The French eventually lost over a quarter of a million men in "the Spanish ulcer," as Napoleon called it, while Iraq has tied down half of the Army and is costing us more than $75 billion a year. What went wrong? As it turns out, Boney and Bush made some of the same mistakes.
Disengagement: How the U.S. can salvage Iraq
By Robert Malley and Peter Harling International Herald Tribune
Tuesday, January 11, 2005
In Iraq, the United States is engaged in a war it already has lost while losing sight of a struggle in which it still may prevail. Original objectives ?- a secular, free-market, democratic government close to the United States and a model for the region ?- are no longer achievable. Worse, their pursuit has become an obstacle to realization of the most important goal: A stable government viewed by its people as a credible embodiment of national interests and able to preserve the country's territorial integrity.
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America's image has suffered too much, the insurgency spread too far and the credibility of the transition process sunk too low for its current approach to succeed. Washington's missteps are now largely viewed as intentional, its statements as hypocritical, and its perceived undeclared agenda ?- of long-term domination of Iraq ?- as responsible for the armed opposition's violence.
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Insurgents have broadened their appeal. They are far from enjoying majority support, but popular passivity is a worrisome rather than hopeful sign. Violence is not confined to a small group of fanatics; to a large extent the insurrection is driven by hostility to the United States, not so much by opposition to a credibly sovereign state as by anger at its absence.
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Yet, while conditions under which the war is being waged have fundamentally changed, the yardsticks used by Washington to measure success have not. The benchmarks ?- numbers of insurgents killed, reconquest of "enemy" territory, adherence to the political timetable ?- are disconnected from the current battle and hardly indicative of its trajectory.
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Militarily, the elimination of insurgents and capture of their strongholds have no durable impact. To the contrary: Resorting to heavy-handed tactics has redoubled the insurgents' motivation and handed them recruits. Politically, little correlation exists between progress along the transition path and progress toward a legitimate government. Largely because the current transition process reflects association between the United States and Iraq's authorities, it no longer is a solution to the crisis but an integral part of it.
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A way out still may exist. It requires acknowledging that Iraqis do not want to prolong the existing process but break from it. And it entails embarking on a process of dual disengagement: gradual U.S. political and military disengagement from Iraq and clear Iraqi disengagement from the United States.
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To free Iraq's authorities from U.S. tutelage, decisions made since the end of the war must be open to reconsideration. The new government should debate and potentially nullify decrees or contracts ratified by former Iraqi institutions and the occupation authorities.
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Likewise, Iraqis should negotiate the terms of the U.S. military presence, and independently take crucial policy decisions ?- even, indeed especially, when the outcome directly contradicts the occupation's legacy. President George W. Bush's position that elections must take place on Jan. 30 is, in this respect, both substantively suspect (because the harm caused by elections in which large numbers of Sunni Arabs do not participate outweighs the harm occasioned by delay) and politically unwise (because Washington should not be seen micromanaging an issue best left in Iraqi hands).
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U.S. troops should become less visible while maintaining rapid response capacities. Civilian protection ?- not the elimination of insurgents ?- should be the guide. Military benefits of conduct endangering civilians ?- sweeping attacks against insurgent sanctuaries, for example ?- should be measured against their lasting political damage.
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Even Washington's language must change. It should cease referring to Iraq as a "front" in its war on terrorism while proclaiming that war is better fought overseas than at home ?- hardly a winning argument for Iraqis. And it should stop describing all insurgents as "anti-Iraqi": Forces hostile to the United States are neither necessarily nor universally hostile to establishing a sovereign state. A primary objective of Iraq's government should be to distinguish between both positions, so that those opposed to a U.S. presence can participate in the state-building enterprise.
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Iraqis must recover a sense of national allegiance ?- which requires the emergence of a convincingly sovereign state. For the United States, this will be a thankless task: satisfying the aspirations of a population now largely hostile to its policies, and encouraging independent institutions whose credibility will depend on their being emancipated from America.
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These are bitter pills to swallow. But things have gone wrong for too long for it to be otherwise. The new Iraqi state must define itself at least partially in opposition to the United States or it runs the risk of defining itself largely in opposition to much of its own population.
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Now, what's this bull shet about our media motivating the insurgency?
Unsurprising you're able to come up with plenty of defeatist, enemy-emboldening, Bushophobic, America Worst opinionators with whom you agree, c. i. ... thats the entire point, seems to me, and validates the case for criticism of the media on the grounds of aid-and-comfort; I'm sure you disagree, and that's fine, but I must say it appears you've destroyed your own argument.
Yes, timber, even some in our congress talked about our troop withdrawal earlier this year.
Posted on Thu, Jun. 16, 2005
Resolution to withdraw troops from Iraq introduced in House
By Ron Hutcheson
Knight Ridder Newspapers
WASHINGTON - Two years after the Iraq invasion, America seems to be losing its stomach for war.
With polls finding support for the Iraq war at a record low, members of Congress are becoming increasingly vocal about their desire for an exit strategy. On Thursday, 41 House Democrats formed a new "Out of Iraq" caucus.
Separately, four lawmakers - two Democrats and two Republicans - introduced a resolution calling for withdrawal starting in October 2006. It doesn't specify an end point for complete withdrawal, but it bucks the Bush administration line all the same.
Its sponsors include Rep. Walter Jones, R-N.C., a conservative whose district includes the Marine Corps' Camp Lejeune. He's hardly a stereotypical dove; in the early days of the war, Jones' anger over French opposition prompted him to propose replacing French fries with "freedom fries" on the menu in Capitol dining rooms.
Resolution supporters said it has little chance of passage in the Republican-controlled Congress. They said their goal was to start a national debate on bringing home the 140,000 U.S. troops in Iraq. More than 1,700 Americans have died since President Bush ordered the invasion on March 19, 2003.
"Do we want to be there 20 years, 30 years? That's why this resolution is so important: We need to take a fresh look at where we are and where we're going," Jones said at a Capitol news conference.
Bush talked about it before that.
Well, yes, Lash, but the Dems were against it before they were for it ... or were they for it before they were against it but are for it now ... or .....
Hell, I can't keep up.
"At the trial Saddam insisted he is still president, he is still in charge, despite the fact that his people disapprove of him and his top assistants are all in jail or going to jail. No, I'm sorry, that's President Bush." --Jay Leno
"Saddam Hussein's trial started yesterday, were you folks aware of that? In court he was stubborn and he was defiant. Stubborn and defiant in insisting that he's still the president. You know, sorta like Bush." --David Letterman
"There are rumors circulating that because of the CIA leak investigation, Vice President Dick Cheney would resign and Condoleezza Rice will take his place. Due to the complex nature of the arrangement, it had to be explained to the President using puppets." --Jay Leno
"The results from the Iraqi election are coming in and the Sunnis are claiming that the election was rigged. So looks like they got an American-style democracy after all." --David Letterman
"Here's a reminder to Iraq: The crooked voting machines are due back in Florida by Friday." --David Letterman
"Karl Rove testified in front of the grand jury for the fourth time. This is the fourth time in front of the grand jury. In fact this time he had to give his testimony standing up. See the first three times he lied his ass off, so he had to stand up." --Jay Leno
"You know I love New Orleans, they're vowing to hold Mardi Gras this year come hell or -- no pun -- high water. This is interesting, they've always had a Mardi Gras drink called the Hurricane. They're not going to serve that this year, but they've got a new one called the FEMA. It's strong, it hits you about a week later." --Bill Maher
"President Bush is taking more liberal positions. For example global warming. He used to be against it. Now it's the Republican plan for heating homes this winter." -Jay Leno
"I think the President is losing it. The BBC is reporting that Bush told a group of Palestinian ministers that God told him to invade Iraq. You see, that's what happens when you mix the New Testament and Old Milwaukee."--Bill Maher
"Now here's some sad information coming out of Washington. According to reports, President Bush may be drinking again. And I thought, 'Well, why not? He's got everybody else drinking.'" --David Letterman