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The UN, US and Iraq IV

 
 
Kara
 
  1  
Reply Mon 29 Sep, 2003 09:33 am
I hesitate to post entire articles, but this one needs reading. It says what I have long believed, that the Brits know how to occupy a country. One can argue with their motives -- colonial or peacekeeping or whatever -- but they follow through and get the job done.

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OP-ED CONTRIBUTOR
The English Lesson
By DANIEL BERGNER

Listennnn to me!" the British captain bellowed in a jungle clearing. He stood on a hillside above a thousand Sierra Leonean troops, whose country was being ravaged by a civil war of staggering brutality, with villagers locked into huts and burned alive, with child soldiers hacking off the hands of civilians, then letting them live as the ultimate message of terror. The British had just arrived on a mission of rescue, hoping to stabilize their former colony. That was three years ago.

Today, an era of equally horrific anarchy and violence keeps its claim on neighboring Liberia. Some 2,300 United States marines float on warships off that country's shore ?- their commitment to peace-building unclear, their presence tentative. Within days, the ships will likely pull anchor and sail away, and Washington will essentially leave Liberia's chances for peace to the United Nations. This is the moment to listen to the story of the British intervention in Sierra Leone ?- for its lessons on why the United States should remain and assert itself in Liberia. If we don't, there may be a terrible cost, not only for one country, but for much of its continent.

The similarities between the two African nations are countless: from their beginnings (as havens for former slaves and harbors where Britain and the United States could unload free blacks), to their size (tiny) and strategic significance to the West (minimal), to the longing of their people for Western intervention (just as Sierra Leoneans welcomed back "our fathers" when the British landed in 2000, Liberians are calling out to their "big brothers," the Americans who founded their country two centuries ago). And the implosions of the two nations are intertwined. Sierra Leone's civil war began with a rebel army based in Liberia. That army set off a decade-long conflagration, mostly devoid of ideology or even tribal logic, in which Sierra Leonean government troops as well as rebel soldiers raped and incinerated civilians on a massive scale.

Into this madness the British sent about 800 troops. A Nigerian-led intervention force as well as a huge deployment of United Nations peacekeepers ?- the very same armies that Washington now hopes will establish calm in Liberia and will quiet the calls for the commitment of United States soldiers ?- had, in Sierra Leone, already failed to bring order. The Nigerians had brought brutality of their own. Ten thousand United Nations troops had brought little more than ineptitude. Just before the British rushed ashore, several hundred United Nations soldiers were taken hostage by the rebels.

The British declared that they would "sort out" Sierra Leone. There was arrogance in that assertion. There was self-delusion. But there has also been success, both in creating peace and starting to nation-build ?- accomplishments that should be recognized by any Western nation debating whether to stay away or try to address Africa's harrowing problems.

The British captain in the jungle was training a new national army, a force meant to drive the enemy toward surrender, to guarantee the security of civilians, to protect Sierra Leone's besieged democratic president. "Listennnn to me!" was followed by a deafening eruption of British heavy machine guns and mortars. Such displays were a way not only to instill confidence and obedience in the awed trainees but, as word spread, to cow an unsophisticated enemy. Showmanship, in this region where military skill and equipment are scarce, played an easy and effective part in the British effort.

But showmanship was mixed with true engagement. The British beat back a rebel assault near the national airport. They patrolled a buffer zone around the capital and spread upcountry. As I reported on the war, I asked their command whether the British would leave if they experienced casualties, as had happened with the United States in Somalia. The answer was no. Weeks later, 11 British soldiers were taken captive. The helicopter barrage and ground attack that freed them destroyed a predatory militia, but left 12 British wounded and one dead. The British stayed in Sierra Leone. Their resolve, and the perception that they could not be deterred, led to a gradual laying down of arms and to peaceful elections last year. In the end ?- with Britain's one combat fatality ?- it hadn't taken much.

Success has been far from complete. The British have themselves run the national police force and overseen the country's finances for long periods during the past few years, yet the rule of law remains a wish and corruption debilitating. The war may be finished, but nothing feels stable. The deep transformations of nation-building, a British colonel who led the intervention wrote me last week, will be a 20-year project, one he hopes his government will adhere to. Still, there is this bottom line: people are no longer being mutilated by soldiers' axes and machetes.

In Liberia, the United States has a chance to bring similar change. With a recent cease-fire agreement and the exile of President Charles Taylor, fighting has stopped in the capital, Monrovia, but the nation is split between three armies that continue to clash with each other and raid villages, extending more than a decade of war. Thousands have fled their homes, fearing widespread atrocities. Speaking of the countryside's rampaging soldiers, one woman told Human Rights Watch: "They catch you and beat you and rape you. The men go hide because when they see the men they cut them in pieces, pieces, pieces." Refugees ask aid groups not to deliver food to their camps, for fear that soldiers, drawn to loot, will do far worse.

If the British experience is any sign, American engagement could steady the country. Yet the United States has kept itself suspended between involvement and disappearance, floating at a safe distance from the coast. It allows about 100 soldiers to operate on land; they do little more than guard our embassy. And it talks of its ships and nearly all its troops leaving the area as soon as this week, with the United Nations starting to set up a peacekeeping operation ?- as though the Bush administration sees anything in the United Nations' record in Sierra Leone, Rwanda or Congo to give comfort.

By exhibiting such lack of resolve, the United States has relinquished what any Western peace-making mission can easily have on its side in most of sub-Saharan Africa: the aspect of intimidation the British relied on in Sierra Leone. And by involving itself so timidly, the final achievement of the United States in Liberia could well be worse than nothing. For there may be the vague perception of effort on the part of the United States without the reality. So, if full-scale war explodes once again in Liberia, it will seem as though intervention failed when in fact it wasn't tried. The prevailing American sentiment ?- that there is nothing to be done about Africa's self-destruction ?- will appear confirmed. More war in Liberia could stir chaos in the volatile countries that surround it, compounding the belief that Africa is a nether world beyond help.

We are, of course, heavily committed elsewhere. But the immediate mission needed in Liberia, a nation where we have historical ties and where the people yearn for our engagement, would be minuscule compared with our role in Iraq and Afghanistan. (Because of Liberia's size and receptivity, the longer project of nation-building might be easier as well.) No, we have no urgent self-interest in Liberia, no reason to deploy those floating troops beyond what the British found sufficient: that it is the right thing to do. Once, in Sierra Leone, I listened to a man recalling the cries of people being burned alive inside a hut. "Heeewh! Heeeewh! Heeeeewh!" was the closest he could come to evoking the sounds. Some of the cries belonged to his daughters. In Liberia, those are the kinds of sounds we could readily stop.


Daniel Bergner is author of ?'?'In the Land of Magic Soldiers: A Story of White and Black in West Africa.''
0 Replies
 
Kara
 
  1  
Reply Mon 29 Sep, 2003 09:38 am
I know, I know. Shaddup, already. This is the last one before I get back to my day job. Tom Friedman is really saying the same thing as Daniel Bergner in the preceding article. I don't agree with him that the war was a good choice, but he is spot on in demanding that we follow through, all alone if necessary.

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OP-ED COLUMNIST
2 Servings of Reality, Please
By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN

The American public got a real tutorial in diplomacy last week, one that I suspect it could have done without. It was introduced to two concepts: the free rider and the war of choice. How the U.S. public digests these two concepts is going to have a huge impact on our next presidential election.

The free rider lesson was administered by all of America's friends, allies and rivals at the United Nations. President Bush went up there last week, hat in hand, looking for financial and military support for the war he chose to launch in Iraq. I would summarize the collective response of the U.N. to Mr. Bush as follows:

"You talkin' to us? This is your war, pal. We told you before about Iraq: You break it alone, you own it alone. Well, you broke it, now you own it. We've got you over a barrel, because you and your taxpayers have no choice but to see this through, so why should we pay? If you make Iraq a success, we'll all enjoy the security benefits. We'll all get a free ride. And if you make a mess in Iraq, all the wrath will be directed at you and you alone will foot the bill. There is a fine line between being Churchill and being a chump, and we'll let history decide who you are. In the meantime, don't expect us to pay to watch. We were all born at night ?- but not last night."

Oh, I suspect if the U.S. manages to secure some new U.N. resolution giving more cover to the U.S. reconstruction of Iraq, we will scrounge up a few Indian or Turkish soldiers and maybe a few dollars, but nothing that will make a real dent in the $87 billion price tag the Bush team has presented to the American people.

Sorry folks, we broke it, we own it, and the worst thing we could do now is start shortchanging ourselves. There is a move in Congress to fully finance that part of the $87 billion for U.S. troops in Iraq, but to slash the $20 billion for Iraqi schools and reconstruction. That would be a big mistake. It is that $20 billion that is the key to getting out and leaving behind a reasonably stable, self-governing Iraq.

As if this weren't enough for one week, the U.S. public also got a lesson in wars of choice. It was administered by David Kay, the former U.N. weapons inspector who has been leading the U.S. team searching for weapons of mass destruction in Iraq. Last week Mr. Kay gave an interim report indicating that in four months of searching in Iraq he has found none of the W.M.D. that President Bush cited as his principal reason for going to war.

What this means for the American people is this: The war to oust Saddam Hussein was always a war of choice (a good choice, I believe). But democracies don't like to fight wars of choice, and, if they do, they want them to be quick sprints, like Bosnia, Kosovo or Grenada ?- not marathons. Knowing this, the Bush team tried to turn Iraq into a war of necessity by hyping the threat Saddam may have posed with W.M.D.

With Mr. Kay's interim report, it is now becoming clear that this was not a war of necessity at all, it was a war of choice, and, on top of it all, it was a war of choice that is going to be a marathon, not a sprint. And, because the Bush team chose to start this marathon largely alone, the free-riding world is going to let us finish it, and pay for it, largely alone.

This is the cold, hard reality and U.S. politics will now be about how we manage it. So far, notes Jeff Garten, dean of the Yale School of Management, "the politics of the day, whether by Republicans or Democrats, has not been up to the magnitude of the task. There is disparity between the words people use to describe the challenge and any honest appraisal of what it's going to take to succeed."

President Bush is deeply morally unserious when he tells Americans that we can succeed in this marathon and still have radical tax cuts for the rich and a soaring deficit, and the only people who will have to sacrifice are reservists and soldiers. And the Democrats had better decide: What is their party going to be about? Wallowing in the mess, endlessly criticizing how we got into Iraq, or articulating a broader, more realistic vision for successful nation-building there?

The lessons learned this week, and their implications, are gigantic. They will shape America's role in the world, its perception of itself and its ability to grapple with both foreign and domestic problems for years to come. I think the American people will see this through, but they want a pragmatic, strategically optimistic, morally serious plan to get behind. The leader who presents that will be the next president ?- I hope.



Copyright 2003 The New York Times Company | Home | Privacy Policy | Search | Corrections | Help | Back to Top
0 Replies
 
timberlandko
 
  1  
Reply Mon 29 Sep, 2003 09:49 am
The cover story for this week's Time Magazine sheds a rather different light on the "Where are they?" question: They weren't there, but Saddam thought they were. An excerpt from the article:

Quote:
Saddam's underlings appear to have invented weapons programs and fabricated experiments to keep the funding coming. The Mukhabarat captain says the scamming went all the way to the top of the mic to its director, Huweish, who would appease Saddam with every report, never telling him the truth about failures or production levels and meanwhile siphoning money from projects. "He would tell the President he had invented a new missile for Stealth bombers but hadn't. So Saddam would say, 'Make 20 missiles.' He would make one and put the rest in his pocket," says the captain. Colonel Hussan al-Duri, who spent several years in the 1990s as an air-defense inspector, saw similar cons. "Some projects were just stealing money," he says. A scientist or officer would say he needed $10 million to build a special weapon. "They would produce great reports, but there was never anything behind them."

If Saddam may not have known the true nature of his own arsenal, it is no wonder that Western intelligence services were picking up so many clues about so many weapons systems. But it helps answer one logical argument that the Administration has been making ever since the weapons failed to appear after the war ended: why, if Saddam had nothing to hide, did he endure billions of dollars in sanctions and ultimately prompt his own destruction? Perhaps because even he was mistaken about what was really at stake in this fight.


And just to keep the Cheney debate going, simply because Dick Lautenberg claims the arrangements are illegal does not make them so, no matter how many NON-JUDICIAL opinions or studies allege they may be. Appearances can be deceiving, to say the least, as echoed in the questions raised by Time's current cover story as cited above. The Administration position re Cheney/Halliburton is precisely that all pertinent legal requirements have been met or exceeded. If The Opposition is able to prosecute their charge successfully, I will be most surprised. In fact, I doubt they will even be able, on the face of available "evidence", to get a court to consider their allegations. Law is law, opinions are opinions.
0 Replies
 
timberlandko
 
  1  
Reply Mon 29 Sep, 2003 09:55 am
BTW, Kara, great articles ... indeed they merit reading.
0 Replies
 
Kara
 
  1  
Reply Mon 29 Sep, 2003 09:59 am
Timber, you said:

Quote:
Folks are welcome to make their own assumptions and to draw their own conclusions. Folks who ascribe mercenary venality and petty revenge to the US motivation for and conduct of the current Iraq intervention do themselves, the People of Iraq, and the overall campaign against Global Terrorism grave disservice, IMO. That's my assumption, based on conclusions drawn from information I have garnered ... information based on facts, figures, documetary evidence, and diligent following of Hard News as opposed to Agenda-driven Opinion.



I do not hear many folks claiming mercenary venality and petty revenge as motives in our efforts against Global Terrorism. I disagree that our war against Iraq (this was an "intervention"??) was a strike against global terrorism, in spite of the administration's hopes that we would make that assumption. The only marginally acceptable excuse for our country's pre-emptive strike and "intervention," (a truly laughable euphemism, IMO) was the removal of Saddam Hussein, a brutal dictator. That was not a defensible reason to go to war, but it is the least objectionable of the many trumped-up reasons.
0 Replies
 
Gelisgesti
 
  1  
Reply Mon 29 Sep, 2003 11:18 am
Timber, if what you are saying is that Cheney is one of the more successful, learned, crooks in the Bush gang then I think we have something to agree on.
0 Replies
 
Sofia
 
  1  
Reply Mon 29 Sep, 2003 11:35 am
Kara--
Excellent articles! Thanks for bringing them.
0 Replies
 
timberlandko
 
  1  
Reply Mon 29 Sep, 2003 12:41 pm
Gel, what I am saying is that irrespective of spin, Cheney is in compliance with all applicable law. That fact may be dressed up however anyone wishes, but when it gets to the party, it is still that fact, no matter what anyone thinks of its costume.
0 Replies
 
dyslexia
 
  1  
Reply Mon 29 Sep, 2003 01:27 pm
well, i think all these charges about the Veep are from ""an effete corps of impudent snobs". How Did Spiro get by with just resigning and not spend any jail time?
0 Replies
 
timberlandko
 
  1  
Reply Mon 29 Sep, 2003 02:01 pm
He copped a plea. That may not be justice, but like it or not, opinion aside, its provided for within the law. Personally, I'd have been a lot happier if Agnew had been pilloried, publicly flogged, then burned at the stake, with forfieture of all his goods and assetts and the perpetual indenture of his immediate family and their progeny, but those laws have been changed, and I just gotta live with that.
0 Replies
 
dyslexia
 
  1  
Reply Mon 29 Sep, 2003 02:20 pm
Seems like all this criticism of Bush the Younger is coming from "nattering nabobs of negativism" radiclibs. But you know how it is when you are absolutely right and draw the ire of those on the outside looking in. Well, actually I don't know what its like to be absolutely right, but I have some republican friends i can ask.
0 Replies
 
roger
 
  1  
Reply Mon 29 Sep, 2003 02:28 pm
Those stories of non existent Iraqi weapons may be true, and I'm not saying they are not. If they were actually scamming old Saddam, they were completely misreading his temperament, or were certifiably insane, or really enjoyed the thought of being run through a hammermill, feet first.
0 Replies
 
Diane
 
  1  
Reply Mon 29 Sep, 2003 03:44 pm
Checking in--reading Kara's articles.
0 Replies
 
Kara
 
  1  
Reply Mon 29 Sep, 2003 05:30 pm
Hi Diane,

I am worried now about the articles I posted. Sofia liked them, which makes me wonder if I have done wrong. Laughing

And timber liked them, too, which gives me additional pause. Rolling Eyes
0 Replies
 
cicerone imposter
 
  1  
Reply Mon 29 Sep, 2003 06:25 pm
It seems what is happening is that the stories about the WMD's gets more sophisticated as time passes on. Different scenarios that seem plausible will be used to confuse the American People. They know it works!
0 Replies
 
Kara
 
  1  
Reply Mon 29 Sep, 2003 06:34 pm
c.i., I noted that, too. Now it is that they had plans for WMD's, even if same had not been executed.

The putative weapons and the plans and the sites will be winkled out, you can count on it.

This all becomes wearying. Why don't we talk about real things. Did anyone read the lead center story on the front page of Sunday's NYTimes about cousin marriage in Iraq? Fascinating. The people interviewed said that Saddam's extended family would protect him completely, just as any such family clan would do so in Iraq. (I can post this if anyone is interested.)
0 Replies
 
roger
 
  1  
Reply Mon 29 Sep, 2003 09:11 pm
It won't work. It's like watching a feature length animated cartoon. You are asked to suspend your credibility, so you do. Then, all of a sudden, you wake up and realize, "Hey, mice don't talk." Well, they not only said they were there, they said they knew the locations. Okay, show me some, or see how far you get the next time.
0 Replies
 
cicerone imposter
 
  1  
Reply Mon 29 Sep, 2003 09:29 pm
roger, It won't work for some of us, but many Americans now buy the story that it's for the Iraqi People, and good riddance of Saddam, the tyrant.
0 Replies
 
Walter Hinteler
 
  1  
Reply Mon 29 Sep, 2003 11:45 pm
roger

They didn't only say they knew the places, they showed them on tv!


c.i.

Looking at the polls, the majority of US-Americans believed it before.
Now, there will be some more.
0 Replies
 
Gelisgesti
 
  1  
Reply Tue 30 Sep, 2003 04:58 am
Kara wrote:
c.i., I noted that, too. Now it is that they had plans for WMD's, even if same had not been executed.

The putative weapons and the plans and the sites will be winkled out, you can count on it.

This all becomes wearying. Why don't we talk about real things. Did anyone read the lead center story on the front page of Sunday's NYTimes about cousin marriage in Iraq? Fascinating. The people interviewed said that Saddam's extended family would protect him completely, just as any such family clan would do so in Iraq. (I can post this if anyone is interested.)



Hi B.
Didn't catch the NYT article but did read the following. The Iraqi are not, as some believe, barbarians. Rather of a culture with a tradition far deeper than that of the occupying foreign bodies they are resisting. A culture much like the one we destroyed when we invaded America.

Like it or not it's part of the natural homogenization of Planet Earth. A process that can be accomplished one of two ways ...... love ..... or war.
If we don't catch on pretty soon, whether it's the North Koreans or whomever, we are going to lose our chance ..... not doom and gloom ...... fact.


Baghdad Burning

... I'll meet you 'round the bend my friend, where hearts can heal and souls can mend...
Monday, September 29, 2003

Sheikhs and Tribes...
A few people pointed out an article to me titled "Iraqi Family Ties Complicate American Efforts for Change", by John Tierney. You need to be registered in New York Times to read it, but since registration is free, the articles are sometimes worth the hassle. I could comment for days on the article but I'll have to make it as brief as possible, and I'll also have to make it in two parts. Today I'll blog about tribes and sheikhs and tomorrow I'll blog about cousins and veils.

Iraqi family ties are complicating things for Americans- true. But not for the reasons Tierney states. He simplifies the whole situation incredibly by stating that because Iraqis tend to marry cousins, they'll be less likely to turn each other in to American forces for all sorts of reasons that all lead back to nepotism.

First and foremost, in Baghdad, Mosul, Basrah, Kirkuk and various other large cities in Iraq, marrying cousins is out of style, and not very popular, when you have other choices. Most people who get into college end up marrying someone from college or someone they meet at work.

In other areas, cousins marry each other for the simple reason that many smaller cities and provinces are dominated by 4 or 5 huge ?'tribes' or ?'clans'. So, naturally, everyone who isn't a parent, grandparent, brother, sister, aunt or uncle is a ?'cousin'. These tribes are led by one or more Sheikhs.

When people hear the word ?'tribe' or ?'sheikh', they instantly imagine, I'm sure, Bedouins on camels and scenes from Lawrence of Arabia. Many modern-day Sheikhs in Iraq have college degrees. Many have lived abroad and own property in London, Beirut and various other glamorous capitals… they ride around in Mercedes' and live in sprawling villas fully furnished with Victorian furniture, Persian carpets, oil paintings, and air conditioners. Some of them have British, German or American wives. A Sheikh is respected highly both by his clan members and by the members of other clans or tribes. He is usually considered the wisest or most influential member of the family. He is often also the wealthiest.

Sheikhs also have many duties. The modern Sheikh acts as a sort of family judge for the larger family disputes. He may have to give verdicts on anything from a land dispute to a marital spat. His word isn't necessarily law, but any family member who decides to go against it is considered on his own, i.e. without the support and influence of the tribe. They are also responsible for the well-being of many of the poorer members of the tribe who come to them for help. We had relatively few orphans in orphanages in Iraq because the tribe takes in children without parents and they are often under the care of the sheikh's direct family. The sheikh's wife is sort of the ?'First Lady' of the family and has a lot of influence with family members.

Shortly after the occupation, Jay Garner began meeting with the prominent members of Iraqi society- businessmen, religious leaders, academicians and sheikhs. The sheikhs were important because each sheikh basically had influence over hundreds, if not thousands, of ?'family'. The prominent sheikhs from all over Iraq were brought together in a huge conference of sorts. They sat gathered, staring at the representative of the occupation forces who, I think, was British and sat speaking in broken, awkward Arabic. He told the sheikhs that Garner and friends really needed their help to build a democratic Iraq. They were powerful, influential people- they could contribute a lot to society.

A few of the sheikhs were bitter. One of the most prominent had lost 18 family members with one blow when the American forces dropped a cluster bomb on his home, outside of Baghdad, and killed women, children, and grandchildren all gathered together in fear. The only survivor of that massacre was a two-year-old boy who had to have his foot amputated.

Another sheikh was the head of a family in Basrah who lost 8 people to a missile that fell on their home, while they slept. The scenes of the house were beyond horrid- a mess of broken furniture, crumbling walls and severed arms and legs.

Almost every single sheikh had his own woeful story to tell. They were angry and annoyed. And these weren't people who loved Saddam. Many of them hated the former regime because in a fit of socialism, during the eighties, a law was established that allowed thousands of acres of land to be confiscated from wealthy landowners and sheikhs and divided out between poor farmers. They resented the fact that land they had owned for several generations was being given out to nobody farmers who would no longer be willing to harvest their fields.

So they came to the meeting, wary but willing to listen. Many of them rose to speak. They told the representative right away that the Americans and British were occupiers- that was undeniable, but they were willing to help if it would move the country forward. Their one stipulation was the following: that they be given a timetable that gave a general idea of when the occupation forces would pull out of Iraq.

They told the representative that they couldn't go back to their ?'3shayir', or tribes, asking them to ?'please cooperate with the Americans although they killed your families, raided your homes, and detained your sons' without some promise that, should security prevail, there would be prompt elections and a withdrawal of occupation forces.

Some of them also wanted to contribute politically. They had influence, power and connections… they wanted to be useful in some way. The representative frowned, fumbled and told them that there was no way he was going to promise a withdrawal of occupation forces. They would be in Iraq ?'as long as they were needed'… that might be two years, that might be five years and it might be ten years. There were going to be no promises… there certainly was no ?'timetable' and the sheikhs had no say in what was going on- they could simply consent.

The whole group, in a storm of indignation and helplessness, rose to leave the meeting. They left the representative looking frustrated and foolish, frowning at the diminishing mass in front of him. When asked to comment on how the meeting went, he smiled, waved a hand and replied, "No comment." When one of the prominent sheikhs was asked how the meeting went, he angrily said that it wasn't a conference- they had gathered up the sheikhs to ?'give them orders' without a willingness to listen to the other side of the story or even to compromise… the representative thought he was talking to his own private army- not the pillars of tribal society in Iraq.

Apparently, the sheikhs were blacklisted because, of late, their houses are being targeted. They are raided in the middle of the night with armored cars, troops and helicopters. The sheikh and his immediate family members are pushed to the ground with a booted foot and held there at gunpoint. The house is searched and often looted and the sheikh and his sons are dragged off with hands behind their backs and bags covering their heads. The whole family is left outraged and incredulous: the most respected member of the tribe is being imprisoned for no particular reason except that they may need him for questioning. In many cases, the sheikh is returned a few days later with an ?'apology', only to be raided and detained once more!

I would think that publicly humiliating and detaining respected members of society like sheikhs and religious leaders would contribute more to throttling democracy than ?'cousins marrying cousins'. Many of the attacks against the occupying forces are acts of revenge for assaulted family members, or people who were killed during raids, demonstrations or checkpoints. But the author fails to mention that, of course.

He also fails to mention that because many of the provinces are in fact governed by the sheikhs of large tribes, they are much safer than Baghdad and parts of the south. Baghdad is an eclectic mix of Iraqis from all over the country and sheikhs have little influence over members outside of their family. In smaller provinces or towns, on the other hand, looting and abduction are rare because the criminal will have a virtual army to answer to- not a confused, and often careless, occupying army and some frightened Iraqi police.

Iraq is not some backward country overrun by ignorant land sheikhs or oil princes. People have a deep respect for wisdom and ?'origin'. People can trace their families back for hundreds of years and the need to ?'belong' to a specific family or tribe and have a sheikh doesn't hinder education, modernization, democracy or culture. Arabs and Kurds in the region have strong tribal ties and it is considered an honor to have a strong family backing- even if you don't care about tribal law or have strayed far from family influence.

I'm an example of a modern-day, Iraqi female who is a part of a tribe- I've never met our sheikh- I've never needed to… I have a university degree, I had a job and I have a family who would sacrifice a lot to protect me… and none of this hinders me from having ambition or a sense of obligation towards law and order. I also want democracy, security, and a civil, healthy society… right along with the strong family bonds I'm accustomed to as an Iraqi.

Who knows? Maybe I'll start a tribal blog and become a virtual sheikh myself…
0 Replies
 
 

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