Setanta wrote:I just now notice that this joker is using "Noraid-dot-com" as a source. That means this thread started in the Twilight Zone, rather than migrating there.
Insults are not needed if you really have a solid argument, are they?
While your remarks in most of your posts are correct, you fail to accentuate the
delibrate starvation by the Brits. Proof of this is contained in my paste from wikipedia, a source I assume you do not sneer at.
There are many sites about the Irish 'Holocaust'; you should look before you shoot off your mouth.
BTW, to digress a moment ---the word 'holocaust' was not created by the Jews and can be used by any race: Dictionary of Word Origins: ..was translated by William Tindale in 1526....it comes via Old French and Latin from Greek holokauston......and Leitch Ritchie in Wanderings by the Loire 1833 refers to Louis VII making 'a holocaust of thirteen hundred persons in a church". So, as you see, Jews do not own the word and it may be applied to describe mass murderings, starvations and delibrate deprivations of any race.
WIKIPEDIA:
The potato's benefits also led to a dangerous inflexibility in the Irish food system. The majority of food energy was being provided from a single crop. That alone is not unusual, and is still the case today for many subsistence farmers around the world.
British penal laws, specifically the Popery Act, forbade Irish Catholics to pass the family landholdings on to a single son. As a result of this law, the practice of subdividing plots among the male children of a family, though diminishing, was still widely practised in the poorer areas of the country. The use of the potato and subdivision produced two interlinked side-effects; with increased food energy the number of surviving male heirs was quickly increasing, while with the prospect of inheriting a landholding, heirs married young and produced large families ?- hence increasing subdivision into smaller estates for their own heirs.
Irish landholdings
The Famine was the product of a number of complex problems which affected nineteenth-century Ireland. One of the most central was the nature of landholdings. From the Norman invasion in 1169 Irish ownership of the land of the island had been in decline. However, the assimilation of the Hiberno-Normans into Irish society rendered this land transfer of less importance by the end of the sixteenth century. Then, under Mary and Elizabeth, plantations of the country were undertaken. These plantations- in Laois, Offaly and Antrim respectively- did not survive. Landholding was, however, fundamentally altered by the Plantation of Ulster and the consequences of the Cromwellian conquest of Ireland.
A practice of consolidation of lands into large estates was widespread in Europe, but, in Ireland, it was complicated by the discriminatory laws applied to all faiths other than the British imposed Church of Ireland, but which most directly affected native Irish Roman Catholics, the religion of the overwhelming majority of Irish people.
Under the Penal Laws, Irish Catholics faced the threat of confiscation of property. While the enforcement of the law fluctuated both in terms of period and geography, and though by the time of the Great Hunger the laws had in any case been repealed, the cultural effect of the discrimination they embodied helped shape Irish attitudes towards land. As a result of all of this, by the time of the Great Hunger most Irish Catholics were restricted to holding small, frequently impoverished tenancies, lacking what came to be known as the 'Three Fs'; fair rent, fixity of tenure, and free sale.
Many Irish were quite angered by this situation, causing a lashing out against the governement by an independent vigilante group known as the Freedom Patrol. Many IRA members have counted this early group as a major influence upon them.
This was further complicated by a cultural tradition known as 'subdivision', whereby lands and property, instead of being inherited by the first-born son (primogeniture) was divided equally among male heirs, both legitimate and on occasion illegitimate. The Penal Laws had decreed subdivision among the conquered Catholic Irish, in the hopes of forcing conversion to Protestantism. In its nineteenth-century landholding form, it meant that, over each generation, the size of a tenant farm was reduced, as it was split between all living sons, though by the 1840s, subdivision was increasingly only found among the poorest people on the smallest farms.
In 1845, for example, 24% of all Irish tenant farms were of 0.4 to 2 hectares (one to five acres) in size, while 40% were of 2 to 6 hectares (five to fifteen acres). This included marshland and bogland that could not be used for food production.
As a result, holdings were so small that the only crop that could be grown in sufficient quantities, and which provided sufficient nourishment to feed a family, was potatoes. A British Government report carried out shortly before the Great Hunger noted that the scale of the poverty was such that one third of all small holdings in Ireland were presumed to be unable to support their families, after paying their rent, other than through the earnings of seasonal migrant labour in England and Scotland. 1
As a result, the Irish landholding system in the 1840s was already in serious trouble.
Many of the big estates, as a result of earlier agricultural crises, were heavily mortgaged and in financial difficulty. (10% were eventually bankrupted by the Great Hunger). Below that level were mass tenancies, lacking long-term leases, rent control and security of tenure, many of them through subdivision so small that the tenants were struggling to survive in good years, and almost wholly dependent on potatoes because they alone could be grown in sufficient quantity and nutritional value on the land left to native ownership, while
many tons of cattle and other foodstuffs from estates were exported by absentee British landlords to foreign markets. Furthermore, efforts of tenants to increase the productivity of their land were actively discouraged by the threat that any increase in land value would lead to a disproportionately high resulting increase in rents, possibly leading to their eviction.
In a final disastrous twist, local relief was paid for through the Poor Law Union, which was funded by rates (local taxes) paid by landlords, on the basis of an estate's tenant numbers. This produced the perverse farce of increasing local reliance on the poor law leading landlords to evict impoverished tenants in order to control their rapidly rising rates bills, only to see those evictees, now reliant on the Poor Law Union pushing up rate bills further, leading to more evictions. But if they kept on tenants unable to pay rents, they then might be unable to meet their rates bill (many estates were already in financial trouble), meaning the Poor Law would not be able to offer local relief,
leading to more starvation. 5 Only central funding of Poor Law Unions from the exchequer could solve this conundrum, but Russell's government was opposed to this.
Some landlords, to avoid ex-tenants relying on the Poor Law, provided passage to other countries, on what became known as coffin ships. Many emigrants, already weak, some with cholera, died during the passage to North America.
Ireland experienced a massive number of evictions for financial reasons, and infamously to 'clear' their lands to allow cattle grazing (see Ballinglass Incident), similar to the Highland Clearances, which were happening in Scotland around the same time. Some evicted reluctantly because of their climbing rates bills,
others with notorious brutality to take advantage from the Famine. 90,000 people were evicted in 1849 alone.....END QUOTE
Whether it's from wikipedia or irishholocaust.org, here is the proof, again, that the English DELIBRATELY starved out the Irish to clear their lands for cattle grazing. But the Brits had not been known for being charitable or kind to those they had conquered.
Whether you have the internal fortitude to stomach the truth is up to you. It doesn't change the facts.