Lash
 
  1  
Reply Mon 23 Dec, 2019 07:04 am
@Walter Hinteler,
Kissinger represents Republican ideals. Not so surprising Republicans would embrace his policies.

It *should* be surprising that Democrats do.

But, Ds and Rs are really identical when you get down to the brass tacks.

Kissinger is just one more piece of evidence.
blatham
 
  3  
Reply Mon 23 Dec, 2019 07:53 am
@Lash,
Quote:
But, Ds and Rs are really identical when you get down to the brass tacks.
You bet. Also, just as Donald Trump changed his party identification to Republican for reasons of cheap convenience, Bernie Sanders is now a Democrat. Sanders and Trump are really identical when you get down to the brass tacks.

(PS... in case it ain't clear to dumb people, the equivalence I've just drawn is deeply idiotic. That was the point. The equivalence preceding mine is that idiotic.)
blatham
 
  3  
Reply Mon 23 Dec, 2019 09:15 am
Quote:
Tulsi Gabbard and the Return of the Anti-Anti-Trump Left
by Jon Chait

Tulsi Gabbard has been slowly edging toward leaving the Democratic Party and, it now seems more likely than not, launching a spoiler candidacy to peel disaffected left-wing votes away from the Democrats. Her “present” vote on impeachment, followed by a disavowal of what she called the “zero-sum mind-set the two political parties have trapped America in,” sets the stage for Gabbard to play the role of 2020’s Jill Stein.

Left-wing anti-anti-Trumpism played an important role in the bizarre 2016 outcome. Die-hard Bernie activists, fired up with anger at the release of DNC emails stolen by Russians that purportedly showed the party had rigged the primary, demonstrated against the party outside its convention hall and tried to drown out the speakers inside with boos. Stein attacked Hillary Clinton from the left, then audaciously staged a grift-y fundraising scheme supposedly to hold recounts in the states she had labored to flip to Trump. Trump’s election appeared to deliver the same shock of reality that had vaporized Ralph Nader’s 2000 support.

But Gabbard’s emergence is another indication that the disaffection that drove these events has not disappeared. Anti-anti-Trumpism has maintained a small but durable intellectual infrastructure. The sentiments that first registered as dissent from the Russia investigation transferred to impeachment, and a chorus of left-wing voices is attacking the effort to remove Trump from office as at best a misguided diversion and at worst a deep-state coup.

The anti-anti-Trump left is not a monolithic bloc. It has differing levels of enthusiasm for splintering the progressive vote in general elections, for Trump himself, and for the ethics of explicit alliances with the right. (Some anti-anti-Trump leftists eagerly appear on Fox news and other right-wing media, while others shun it.) What they share, in addition to enthusiasm for Bernie Sanders, is a deep skepticism of the Democratic Party’s mobilization against the president. The left’s struggle against the center-left is the axis around which their politics revolves. From that perspective, the Russia scandal and impeachment are unnecessary and even reactionary.

While incomprehensible to liberals, centrists, and even many leftists who work within two-party politics, left-wing anti-anti-Trumpism has a coherent logic. It takes as its starting point a familiar critique that Trump won because liberalism failed. Trump, while bad, is merely a meta-phenomenon of the larger failure of the Democratic Party and the political and economic Establishment. And so, to the extent that investigating Trump’s scandalous behavior allows Democrats to discredit Trump without undergoing revolutionary internal changes, it is counterproductive. “The Ukraine affair,” writes left-wing historian Samuel Moyn, “shows that the biggest risk to the American people is that centrists link impeachment to a reinstatement of one set of failed prescriptions, while the right repulses the attempt to oust the president and rules under equally dead-end policies.”

Some anti-anti-Trump leftists see impeachment not merely as a distraction from the Sanders revolution but a deliberate effort to marginalize it. Krystal Ball and Aaron Mate recently speculated that Democratic leaders just might be setting up an impeachment trial in order to keep Sanders and Elizabeth Warren locked up in Washington and off the campaign trail. While such a possibility is obviously insane, if you consider the struggle between left-wing populists and evil neoliberals to be the central dynamic in American politics, it might seem at least plausible.

What gives the anti-anti-Trump left its emotional impetus is a simmering resentment against the center-left, especially the way the Russia and Ukraine scandals have made Democrats lionize elements of the security Establishment. “My discomfort in the last few years, first with Russiagate and now with Ukrainegate and impeachment, stems from the belief that the people pushing hardest for Trump’s early removal are more dangerous than Trump,” writes Matt Taibbi.

Ted Rall, who has been given space on The Wall Street Journal op-ed page to publish periodic anti-anti-Trump columns, uses one of his recent pieces to quote Doug Henwood, a fellow leftist. “It seems like a lot of Dems think that everything was pretty much OK until Trump took office, and if we can just get back to the status quo ante, everything will be all right,” Henwood says, “Add to that the fact that impeachment is making liberals celebrate spies, prosecutors, and heavily medaled soldiers — people no one on the left should have any warm feelings towards — and you get a serious feeling of derangement.”

This is less an argument than an expression of mood. The scandals have reordered the contestants in the political drama in a way anti-anti-Trump leftsists simply can’t stomach. The spectacle of Democrats lionizing intelligence officials and other cogs in the security state creates an irrepressible gag reflex.

Ironically, the same dynamic has brought anti-anti-Trump leftists into their own strange-bedfellow alliances. Leftists like Mate and Glenn Greenwald sometimes appear on Tucker Carlson’s show, giving an edgy, trans-ideological sheen to his increasingly overt white nationalism. Ball’s “Hill.TV” outlet was started by John Solomon, the Republican operative who has worked closely with Russian oligarchs to disseminate conspiracy theories that vindicate both Trump and the Russians. Its format frequently consists of Ball and her conservative co-host alternating attacks on the Democrats from the left and the right.

The fact that anti-anti-Trump leftists have interests that coincide with Russia’s compounds the dynamic. There is zero reason to suspect any of them have covert ties of any kind with Russia. Their arguments are perfectly explainable in normal terms. Russia has helped amplify their ideas because it suits Russia’s agenda — Moscow generated and promoted the most strident anti-Clinton voices on the left in 2016 and seems to view left-wing opposition to the Democrats as a lever upon which it can usefully lean. That fact does not by itself implicate their arguments; if the Russians happened to find reason to promote arguments any of us have made, we’d resent people suggesting we were toeing the Kremlin line. That resentment seems to have created a life of its own, making some leftists tolerant of Trump’s disturbing, obviously corrupt relations with Putin.

But what brought them to this strange place is their hatred for the center-left, which blots out any sense of proportion of the danger Trump poses. Pay close attention to this sentence, by Samuel Moyn, especially his use of the operative terms equally and biggest risk: “The Ukraine affair shows that the biggest risk to the American people is that centrists link impeachment to a reinstatement of one set of failed prescriptions, while the right repulses the attempt to oust the president and rules under equally dead-end policies.” The right and the center-left are equally doomed, and the biggest risk is that the Establishment prevails over Trump.

Many leftists can imagine a bigger risk than the Establishment neutralizing Trump before he can bring the system down. Yet somehow, the emergency of his growing authoritarianism has not concentrated every mind, and the election of Trump has not dispelled the fantasy that his destruction of the center and the center-left will lead ultimately to a better world.
nimh
 
  5  
Reply Mon 23 Dec, 2019 09:36 am
@Olivier5,
Problem is most Boomers were not hippies, most of them did not march against the war, etc.. I'm sure there are some leftie idealists who turned right as they got older, but most of the right-wing Boomers now were never really on the left in the first place.
Lash
 
  -1  
Reply Mon 23 Dec, 2019 09:58 am
@blatham,
We have at least three democrat candidates who were Republicans, one quite recently.

Dems vote for Republican military build ups.

Dems hang with Saudi princes just like Republicans.
Dems perform for billionaire donors just like Republicans.
The donors get the SAME THINGS from both of them.
Dems corral immigrants just like Republicans.
Dems beg Wall Street for money just like Republicans.
Dems protect the anti-people status quo just like Republicans.

Wake up.

blatham
 
  3  
Reply Mon 23 Dec, 2019 09:58 am
@nimh,
Yes. There's a very convenient myopia in that piece. If I could have counted up all the students in my high school or first years of university who were reading Marx or flipping through their underground newspaper to find R. Crumb cartoons, there were far more who weren't doing those things.

Still, one could argue that we ex-hippy types shifted in our day to day concerns towards greater focus on career, solvency and family and thus became, in a sense, "complicit" with the system in which we found ourselves, sure. But I have my doubts that the author of the piece presently lives on a commune and turns on his laptop only after cranking up his organically-powered, non-polluting electrical generator.

Edit: From the age of 15 through to 20, let's say, we will inevitably think differently than we'll think later in life. Young people can be enthusiastic, hopeful and yet tend to romanticisms, idealisms and black/white formulations which later prove erroneous. All police are not, as it turns out, pigs.

Edit the second: I'll add another point here. Though popular culture often celebrates certain historical events, it can, for whatever reasons, forget others. Woodstock is one example of the first. New York's Hard Hat Riot is an example of the second.
Lash
 
  0  
Reply Mon 23 Dec, 2019 10:00 am
@nimh,
But, many of them did turn away from their ideals.
Hippie>Yuppie>I like my Reagan money.
0 Replies
 
oralloy
 
  -3  
Reply Mon 23 Dec, 2019 11:15 am
@Olivier5,
Olivier5 wrote:
OK Boomers, Wake Up!
Sanders is the person you used to be but forgot about.


by Dave Lindorff, Sunday, December 22, 2019

... we were marching against war, against nuclear weapons and arms spending, and condemning the empty consumerism of our parents.

So in other words, immature people are progressives. Then some people grow up.
0 Replies
 
oralloy
 
  -4  
Reply Mon 23 Dec, 2019 11:16 am
@Lash,
Lash wrote:
How they’ve wound up thinking Kissinger is a good guy for the Democratic nominee to consult on foreign policy shows the disconnect is complete.

Kissinger seems pretty sound on foreign policy. Perhaps not militant enough or idealist enough for my tastes, but he has a good head on his shoulders.
0 Replies
 
oralloy
 
  -3  
Reply Mon 23 Dec, 2019 11:17 am
@Lash,
Lash wrote:
Dems vote for Republican military build ups.

And rightly so. We need to protect the nation from the bad guys.
0 Replies
 
oralloy
 
  -3  
Reply Mon 23 Dec, 2019 11:18 am
@blatham,
blatham wrote:
From the age of 15 through to 20, let's say, we will inevitably think differently than we'll think later in life. Young people can be enthusiastic, hopeful and yet tend to romanticisms, idealisms and black/white formulations which later prove erroneous. All police are not, as it turns out, pigs.

Like I said a few posts back, immature people are progressives. Then some people grow up.
0 Replies
 
Olivier5
 
  0  
Reply Mon 23 Dec, 2019 12:11 pm
@nimh,
nimh wrote:
Problem is most Boomers were not hippies, most of them did not march against the war, etc.. I'm sure there are some leftie idealists who turned right as they got older, but most of the right-wing Boomers now were never really on the left in the first place.

I think it’s not aimed at boomers who turned right, but at boomers who turned incrementalists.
0 Replies
 
hightor
 
  4  
Reply Mon 23 Dec, 2019 12:23 pm
Dave Lindorff wrote:
And we were, for the most part I would argue, happier and freer than we are today.

For christ's sake, the guy was only 18 during the "Summer of Love". Sure he was "happy and free" — his parents were most likely bankrolling his education. Most of us left college to enter the workforce and were perfectly aware that school days were over. And as the glow of our college experience began to fade we realized that society didn't reflect the sort intellectual utopia we enjoyed while staying up late in our dorm rooms and arguing man's fate with fellow student radicals. No, the actual day-to-day world turned out to actually be a lot more like ******* high school. And anyway, I'm happier and freer now than I could have dreamed back when I was trying to sell radical newspapers to Puerto Rican laborers in the garment district.
Quote:
Some of us even became Republicans or Neo-liberal Democrats, worried more about our own gain than about those who were being left behind or crushed by what we used to call the "System," and ignoring what our nation was and still is doing to the world.

First thing, a lot of us didn't follow that course. Second, achieving economic stability and preserving a semblance of social consciousness are not mutually exclusive. And thirdly, there are many people like McGentrix (just a handy example based on the bio he used to have on his profile) who are perfectly happy that they jettisoned all that muddy youthful idealism because a lot of it just didn't hold up to scrutiny in the real world.
Quote:
In fact, those of us who are not supporting Sanders in this coming election year need to do some soul searching about who we really are and what we really stand for. ...

Bullshit. If I support Sanders it will because he demonstrated enough support to secure the nomination, not because he's the aged embodiment of some youthful fantasies. Nostalgia is hardly an inspiring, let alone radicalizing, political force.
Brand X
 
  2  
Reply Mon 23 Dec, 2019 12:32 pm
Ned Price

Verified account

@nedprice
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More than 200 national security experts: “We cannot stand by and continue to watch all that we have stood and worked for tweeted away.”

“We are proud to support Pete Buttigieg to be the next President of the United States.”
0 Replies
 
Olivier5
 
  1  
Reply Mon 23 Dec, 2019 02:15 pm
@hightor,
Quote:
perfectly happy that they jettisoned all that muddy youthful idealism because a lot of it just didn't hold up to scrutiny in the real world.

The real world is what we make of it. Nothing more. In the 50's the real world in America was segregationist.
BillW
 
  3  
Reply Mon 23 Dec, 2019 02:19 pm
@Olivier5,
Olivier5 wrote:

The real world is what we make of it. Nothing more. In the 50's the real world in America was segregationist.


....and, in 2020, it's trying to make a comeback...
Olivier5
 
  2  
Reply Mon 23 Dec, 2019 03:25 pm
@BillW,
Yep!
0 Replies
 
Olivier5
 
  2  
Reply Mon 23 Dec, 2019 03:45 pm
How ‘Centrist Bias’ Hurts Sanders and Warren
The media has a bigger problem than liberal bias.

By David Leonhardt, Opinion Columnist, New York Times, Dec. 22, 2019

John F. Harris is about as mainstream as the mainstream media gets. He spent 21 years at The Washington Post, including as its political editor. Then he became the founding editor of Politico, where he is now a columnist.

Last month, Harris wrote a columnthat I can’t get out of my head. In it, he argued that political journalism suffers from “centrist bias.” As he explained, “This bias is marked by an instinctual suspicion of anything suggesting ideological zealotry, an admiration for difference-splitting, a conviction that politics should be a tidier and more rational process than it usually is.”

The bias caused much of the media to underestimate Ronald Reagan in 1980 and Donald Trump in 2016. It also helps explain the negative tone running through a lot of the coverage of Elizabeth Warren and Bernie Sanders this year.

Centrist bias, as I see it, confuses the idea of centrism (which is very much an ideology) with objectivity and fairness. It’s an understandable confusion, because American politics is dominated by the two major parties, one on the left and one on the right. And the overwhelming majority of journalists at so-called mainstream outlets — national magazines, newspapers, public radio, the non-Fox television networks — really are doing their best to treat both parties fairly.

In doing so, however, they often make an honest mistake: They equate balance with the midpoint between the two parties’ ideologies. Over the years, many press critics have pointed out one weakness of this approach: false equivalence, the refusal to consider the possibility that one side of an argument is simply (or mostly) right.

But that’s not the only problem. There’s also the possibility that bothpolitical parties have been wrong about something and that the solution, rather than being roughly halfway between their answers, is different from what either has been proposing.

This seemingly radical possibility turns out to be quite common, as the historian Arthur Schlesinger Jr. — author of the classic book, “The Vital Center,” no less — pointed out. The abolition of slavery, women’s suffrage, labor rights, the New Deal, civil rights for black Americans, Reagan’s laissez-faire revolution and same-sex marriage all started outside the boundaries of what either party favored. “The most consequential history,” Harris wrote, “is usually not driven by the center.”

Political and economic journalism too often assumes otherwise and treats the center as inherently sensible. This year’s Democratic presidential campaign has been a good case study. The skeptical questions posed to the more moderate Democrats are frequently about style or tactics: Are you too old? Too young? Too rich? Too far behind in the polls?

The skeptical questions for the more progressive candidates, Sanders and Warren, often challenge the substance of their ideas: Are you too radical? Are you being realistic? And, by golly, how would you pay for it all?

I recently took a detailed look through the coverage of the wealth tax, favored by both Sanders and Warren, and centrist bias seeps through much of it. The coverage has slantednegative, filled with the worries that centrists have — that the tax wouldn’t work in practice or would sloweconomic growth.

Experts who favor a wealth tax, like Gene Sperling, Felicia Wong and Heather Boushey, or whose academic research suggests it would work, like Lily Batchelder and David Kamin, have received less attention than experts who don’t like the idea. For that matter, the complaints of obscure billionaires have gotten more attention than the arguments of sympathetic experts. “Billionaire whining about a wealth tax,” as Ilyana Kuziemko, a Princeton economist who’s sympathetic to a wealth tax, told me, mostly isn’t newsworthy.

I’m not suggesting that journalists lather the wealth tax with praise. There are real questions about it, and journalists are supposed to be skeptical. I’m also not suggesting that Sanders or Warren is necessarily the best nominee. As regular readers know, I’m a moderate on Medicare, immigration and college debt, among other subjects. John Harris, for his part, confesses to “a pretty strong bout” of centrist bias.

But maybe that’s why we recognize it and pine for more objective coverage. Not every policy question posed to Democrats needs to have a conservative assumption, and not every question posed to Republicans needs to have a liberal one. If Warren and Sanders are going to be asked whether their solutions go too far, Joe Biden should be asked whether his solutions are too timid: Mr. Vice President, many economists believe that inequality is bad for an economy, so are you doing enough to attack inequality?

Once you start thinking about centrist bias, you recognize a lot of it. It helps explain why the 2016 presidential debates focused more on the budget deficit, a topic of centrist zealotry, than climate change, almost certainly a bigger threat. (Well-funded deficit advocacy plays a role too.) Centrist bias also helps explain the credulousness of early coverage during the Iraq and Vietnam wars. Both Democrats and Republicans, after all, largely supported each war.

The world is more surprising and complicated than centrist bias imagines it to be. Sometimes, people like Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren are right. Even when they’re not, they deserve the same skepticism that other politicians do — no less, no more.

blatham
 
  2  
Reply Mon 23 Dec, 2019 06:55 pm
@Olivier5,
Quote:
Political and economic journalism too often assumes otherwise and treats the center as inherently sensible.
There are a number of things being conflated or insufficiently separated here.

First, seeking a centrist position on some political disagreement is a natural and reasonable position in many cases. We recognize varying interests and acknowledge that in a democracy no one can get everything they want so we all make trade offs.

That reasonable formula, however, can become unworkable where one party has or works towards domination of others. That is, when there is a significant asymmetry of power or the active desire for that. Mitch McConnell or Grover Norquist or Charles Koch are not interesting in splitting the pie down the middle.

But in the topic this writer is discussing - American political journalism - is a different situation with differing dynamics from political operations. Journalists adopt habits for a set of reasons including "bad" reasons, ie profit for the publication's owners or perhaps wanting to become a celebrity player in the political/media world (Jim VandeHei, Matt Drudge, Chris Cillizza). The more common problem though is the one very capably addressed by Jay Rosen.

If you're interested in political journalism but unfamiliar with Rosen's work, then nuns should come to your home and rap you on the knuckles really hard.
georgeob1
 
  1  
Reply Mon 23 Dec, 2019 07:35 pm
@blatham,
blatham wrote:

That reasonable formula, however, can become unworkable where one party has or works towards domination of others. That is, when there is a significant asymmetry of power or the active desire for that. Mitch McConnell or Grover Norquist or Charles Koch are not interesting in splitting the pie down the middle.


Are you suggesting that Nancy Pelosi and the rest of the Democrat leadership are at all interested in sharing power with Republicans? Or are any other Democrats for that matter? Obamacare and other legislation in the last Administration were passed by Democrat Majorities without any accommodation or negotiations with Republicans. The Democrat Majority in the House of Representatives has abandoned its responsibilities as Legislators in a desperate pursuit of Impeachment for President Trump. That's hardly a triumph of reasonable power sharing.
 

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