MontereyJack
 
  2  
Reply Fri 20 Sep, 2019 09:50 pm
@oralloy,
The German system his 77 percent government funded and must meet govt standards.
oralloy
 
  0  
Reply Fri 20 Sep, 2019 10:01 pm
@MontereyJack,
Sounds good. Let's modify the Obamacare exchanges so they are more like what Germany has.
0 Replies
 
Walter Hinteler
 
  1  
Reply Fri 20 Sep, 2019 10:10 pm
@MontereyJack,
MontereyJack wrote:
The German system his 77 percent government funded and must meet govt standards.
From where did you get this?
Walter Hinteler
 
  2  
Reply Fri 20 Sep, 2019 11:55 pm
@Walter Hinteler,
MontereyJack wrote:
The German system his 77 percent government funded and must meet govt standards.


Health care in Germany is financed from the premiums paid by insured employees and their employers ("principle of solidarity"). Tax revenue surpluses also contribute, but it's limited to 14.5 billion Euros per year - that's roughly 6.5% of all (though health insurers didn't ask for all the amount last year).

While the German state sets the conditions for medical care (codified in SGB-V), the further organisation and financing of individual medical services is the responsibility of the self-governing bodies within the health care system ("principle of self-governing").
oralloy
 
  0  
Reply Sat 21 Sep, 2019 12:21 am
@Walter Hinteler,
I believe that I've heard that the health plans on the German marketplace have to be non-profit. If that is correct, that is something that would help to control prices.
Walter Hinteler
 
  2  
Reply Sat 21 Sep, 2019 12:23 am
"Progressive" in the real sense of the word is what is happening now in Belgium's German speaking Community (one of the three federal communities - "states" - of Belgium):
starting this month, the parliament representing the German-speaking community of Belgium has handed some of its powers to a citizens’ assembly drafted by lot. It is the first time a political institution created a permanent structure to involve citizens in political decision making.
Lash
 
  0  
Reply Sat 21 Sep, 2019 01:19 am
Very informative piece of who Elizabeth Warren is....and was.

https://ghionjournal.com/examining-elizabeth-warrens-political-identity-is-she-really-a-rose/

Excerpt:

During the 80s and 90s, she was in fact a strong advocate for deregulation, actively making the case for deregulation to conservative legal groups like The Federalist Society and the Manhattan Institute. One of her first academic papers was on the deregulation of utilities and her prescriptions supported automatic rate increases for consumers. If we’re being honest, much of her early work was done in support of the current economic system, a system she is now said to be progressively challenging.

She’s like a pyromaniac, sobered by the destruction she’s left in her wake, who decides to become a firefighter.

Warren is described by a former colleague as, “surprisingly anti-consumer”. This is contrary to her current portrayal (by herself and the corporate media) as a strong consumer advocate. In fact, if we look beyond her academic output and consider her focus as a private-sector professional, much of Warren’s work as a lawyer during the 90s was representing the interests of corporations over consumers. In one of her more publicized cases, Warren helped Dow Chemical shield itself from liability from lawsuits of women suffering from the company’s leaking silicone breast implants.

While some liken Warren’s political change over time to a demonstrative religious conversion, her long-time collaborator, Jay Westbrook, sees a shorter trajectory.

He said: “It drives me crazy when she’s described as a radical left-winger. She moved from being moderately conservative to moderately liberal.”

An argument (unpersuasive, in my estimation) could be made for Warren’s progressive bona fides on the basis of the CFPB being a progressive institution. The problem is, it isn’t. As argued by UK sociologist Frank Furedi, consumer activism, which is what drives to CFPB, is really an alternative to direct political engagement. It’s a form of activism that essentially thrives under conditions of social and political alienation, wherein citizens find a decreased ability to directly effect policy change.

He explains that:

“There is a fundamental difference between the tradition of direct action and the media-driven protest of consumer activism. The aim of direct action was to mobilize people in order to shift the balance of power in society.

Consumer activism is not about people gaining power for themselves. It is about ‘empowering them’ through the benevolent acts of others. It involves small groups of activists who see themselves as acting on people’s behalf. The principal aim of this sort of initiative is not popular mobilisation but the exercise of influence over the media and influential people in the political oligarchy.”

It makes sense that an agency focused on citizens—in relation to capitalism, rather than in relation to their overall needs and desires—is not progressive. The CFPB has offered useful reforms, to be sure, but nothing durable, as evidenced by the massive profits credit card banks continue to make from gouging customers on fees, despite the CFPB’s existence.

Thinking about the nature and goals of the CFPB illuminates the difference between a politician like Sanders and one like Warren. When people say they share the same goals, they are referencing a general desire to address the concentration of wealth and power among the country’s elite and its corporations—and presumably, to challenge monopoly.

However, their respective explanations of the causes of that wealth concentration and their strategies for dealing with it should invite some skepticism of the idea that they have similar goals.

Warren focuses on bad individuals within the system and on making rules that constrain them.

Sanders’ critique is of the capitalist system itself and his interest is in workers amassing the power to fight it.

The difference between these strategies is the difference between, referring back to Furedi, a consumer advocate and someone engaged in direct action: the desire to empower vs the desire to take power.

Despite Warren’s attempt to mimic Sanders’ organizing strategy (as seen in her recent rally), the difference between them remains stark. In 2016, Sanders revolutionized a different approach to donor and voter engagement that eschewed big dollar fundraisers while inviting—nearly exclusively—individual donors. His campaign was largely successful in framing itself as a movement focused on making the needs of ordinary citizens a national priority. This framing was completely dependent on the credibility of Bernie Sanders.

There’s an internet meme from 2016 that seems to be increasingly true: “for every mistake America has made in the last 30 years, there’s a video of Bernie Sanders trying to stop us.” To compare and contrast, 30 years ago Warren was still a Republican pushing deregulation.

Like Sanders, Warren has sworn off expensive gatherings for wealthy donors, citing the malign influence of money in politics. After making this pledge in December, she clarified in February that she didn’t mean for the general. There was reporting in May, that the first quarter of her presidential campaign was dependent on PAC money from her midterm Senate run. In July we learned that her campaign solicited $100k for a DNC database.

Also in May, she criticized Joe Biden for attending a private fundraising event. Yet it was soon revealed that Warren had attended similar events with some of the same donors for her midterm Senate campaign. Using $10.4 million left over from that senate run makes her non-corporate pledge deceptive at least and utterly meaningless at most, and her critique of Biden rather hypocritical. Among her donors were Bain Capital, Verizon, Comcast, Global Petroleum, several healthcare firms, and a number of universities. These are the kinds of donors that invite skepticism about her stated desire to fight large corporations.

Inviting even further skepticism, there are now reports of Warren’s overtures to party insiders, making the case that she’s aligned with their interests. In echoing Sanders, Warren has also made an effort to cobble together something of a grassroots army. While Sanders is organizing a force made up of regular citizens to help push through his agenda once elected, from the reports of her conversations with party insiders, Warren seems more focused on getting elected and then releasing her army like Obama.

The comparison is apt. Warren is increasingly describing her campaign as if it’s a mass movement, despite her base being mostly college grads, overwhelmingly white, and relatively comfortable, hardly the makings of a successful cross-class mass direct action coalition. Much of her policy agenda, like a proposed wealth tax, means taking on powerful interests. That she may intend to battle those powerful interests backed solely by the power of the Democratic Party, which is currently beholden to those interests, invites considerable suspicion around what she actually plans to accomplish. The fact that Obama ran on the public option to expand health care affordability with no intent of fulfilling it remains a cautionary tale.

Frankly, there are too many reasons to be suspicious of Warren’s intent. Not to sound like a paranoiac accusing her of being a Manchurian candidate, but we don’t really know what’s credible in her agenda. What she calls “plans” are, in actuality, just blog posts and white papers. She’s currently addressing a number of issues for which she has no history of advocacy, including maternal mortality and prison reform. Despite her carefully managed reputation as an economic progressive intent on challenging monopoly, for some reason Warren didn’t co-sponsor Sanders bill to direct the Federal Reserve Board to break up financial institutions. She also didn’t join any of his three attempts to raise the estate tax. If her intent to challenge monopoly and wealth inequality were genuine, why didn’t she do that? Or, at the very least, write and promote her own legislation? Her inaction calls into question her progressive commitments.

In Closing
Considering Warren fully, including her seeming contradictions, places her mission in a specific context. She supported the neoliberal policies and deregulation used in the effort by both parties to deconstruct the remaining pieces of the New Deal. Indeed, she only became a Democrat after the party had adopted those neoliberal policies in Bill Clinton’s first term. The current economic environment, featuring Gilded Age levels of wealth disparity, is the result of policies and frameworks that she advocated for. Additionally, her suggestions for addressing these negative effects start and end with markets. In a sense, she’s offering a sort of trickle-down economic populism as a slight variation on the elite-favoring Reagan-era trickle down economics she promoted earlier in her career.

In all fairness to her political identity, I’ve never heard Warren call herself a progressive. However, I’ve also never heard her challenge that designation when applied to her. The most pessimistic view, or cynical, depending on your perspective, is that her campaign only exists to curtail the promise of Sanders’ agenda. In this reading, she’s a centrist who, through misleading discourse and aesthetics, is masquerading as a progressive.

Here’s where, if we use the “Judgement of Osiris” test I mentioned earlier—weigh her past choices and bring them to bear in our judgement of her character, mindset, and politics—it seems clear that in balance, Warren is not a progressive or, if she is, it’s in a way that requires a very specific modification of what being a progressive means. What does this ambiguity say about her candidacy and the role of her campaign?

It’s also worth asking if it’s politically disqualifying to falsely present yourself as a racial minority (and when called out, simply say, “well that’s what I was told, oops”) when you’re in a party that’s dependent on the votes of racial minorities.

With all of the issues I’ve explored in this piece (and my previous one) and have brought up in this closing section, it should be recognized that she and Sanders are in competition and she is not the other progressive in the race. Despite every assertion otherwise, Elizabeth Warren is no progressive. She’s a standard neoliberal dressed up in progressive rhetoric
0 Replies
 
Real Music
 
  2  
Reply Sat 21 Sep, 2019 02:05 am
Elizabeth Warren & Bernie Sanders
Break Down the GOP Tax Plan.

Published November 6, 2017

0 Replies
 
Real Music
 
  1  
Reply Sat 21 Sep, 2019 02:09 am
Elizabeth Warren & Bernie Sanders:
Democratic Priorities in our Budget

Published December 6, 2017

0 Replies
 
hightor
 
  2  
Reply Sat 21 Sep, 2019 03:19 am
@Walter Hinteler,
Quote:
...starting this month, the parliament representing the German-speaking community of Belgium has handed some of its powers to a citizens’ assembly drafted by lot.

That's really cool. I've been an advocate of representation through random conscription for a long time.
Walter Hinteler
 
  2  
Reply Sat 21 Sep, 2019 04:09 am
@hightor,
hightor wrote:
That's really cool. I've been an advocate of representation through random conscription for a long time.
It is something really new, in Europe and for Europe's history at least.

(They've met the first time two weeks ago: 12 members of the Citizens' Council were chosen by lot. A further 6 people by the make up of the individual parties in the Parliament. The remaining 6 people have already taken part in a Citizens' Forum on childcare. Every 6 months, one third of the Citizens' Council is replaced by new representatives.)
0 Replies
 
Walter Hinteler
 
  2  
Reply Sat 21 Sep, 2019 07:22 am
@oralloy,
oralloy wrote:
I believe that I've heard that the health plans on the German marketplace have to be non-profit.
Actually, we don't have "health plans" and they're not on a "marketplace.

We've got 109 different insurers now (down from 1,870 in 1970) doing statutory health insurances. These are all non-profit and self-governing.
(The mandatory nursing care insurance is linked to the health insurance.)

Under statutory health insurance, you are free to choose your health care provider and hospitals.

The choice of statutory health insurance fund is up to every single person - they differ only slightly. (Approximately 95 percent of the services of a health insurance company fixed by law. In addition, the health insurance funds can offer voluntary additional services. Some health insurance funds subsidise professional dental cleaning or alternative healing methods such as homeopathy or osteopathy. Many health insurance companies also offer bonus programs. With bonus programmes, health insurance companies reward their policyholders for health-conscious behaviour. For certain activities - such as regular visits to the dentist, gymnastic/sport/prevention courses - you receive bonus points that can be redeemed for a cash or non-cash premium.)
edgarblythe
 
  1  
Reply Sat 21 Sep, 2019 07:49 am
People criticizing progressives for anger are the same ones working to create a rock star aura for Warren. Just more disinformation.
0 Replies
 
edgarblythe
 
  1  
Reply Sat 21 Sep, 2019 09:22 am
U.S. Senator Bernie Sanders
21 mins ·
Maybe we should have members of Congress wear NASCAR jackets which tell us who is sponsoring them.
0 Replies
 
oralloy
 
  0  
Reply Sat 21 Sep, 2019 09:30 am
@Walter Hinteler,
Walter Hinteler wrote:
We've got 109 different insurers now (down from 1,870 in 1970) doing statutory health insurances. These are all non-profit and self-governing.
(The mandatory nursing care insurance is linked to the health insurance.)

The insurers on the Obamacare exchanges here in America are usually for-profit. We would be better off if we modified our system to make it more like what you have in Germany.
Walter Hinteler
 
  2  
Reply Sat 21 Sep, 2019 09:45 am
@oralloy,
oralloy wrote:
The insurers on the Obamacare exchanges here in America are usually for-profit.
If you are privately insured, those insurers are for profit.
Membership in a private health insurance (PHI) scheme is not possible for everyone. But the benefits offered by PHI are not subject to any state regulations. They might be sometimes more extensive than with statutory insurance.
We've got about 40 private health insurers operating in all German states plus a couple operating only in certain states.
oralloy
 
  1  
Reply Sat 21 Sep, 2019 10:38 am
@Walter Hinteler,
Our problem is, almost all of our insurance is for-profit. Most parts of America don't have any option for non-profit insurance.
Walter Hinteler
 
  2  
Reply Sat 21 Sep, 2019 01:56 pm
@oralloy,
The reason why it's different here goes back to the Middle Ages, when we already had an early form of health insurance based on the principle of solidarity in the guilds. This was standardised through Otto von Bismarck’s social policies in the late nineteenth century. And didn't change.
edgarblythe
 
  2  
Reply Sat 21 Sep, 2019 04:22 pm
@Walter Hinteler,
Thanks for explaining all of that, Walter. I didn't know most of it.
0 Replies
 
edgarblythe
 
  1  
Reply Sun 22 Sep, 2019 09:37 am

Bernie Beats Trump
@WillVanguard
· 19h
Warren’s paid staff & ‘interns’ walked out as Bernie took the stage at the #SteakFry

They chanted ‘It’s time for a woman in the white house’ but I didn’t get it on video

It’s official. As Kamala’s campaign tanked, identity voters have swarmed #Warren2020 #BernThruTheBlackout
0 Replies
 
 

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