JoeN - I don't believe I called anyone "delusional". Let's keep it civil, please. Thanks.
Are you suggesting that I'm wrong? That there is an identifiable and static group of people in this country who are "poor", have been poor forever and will always remain poor? Are you also arguing that everyone who is "rich" today will be so tomorrow? Seriously?
A kid working his way through college might qualify as "poor" by current statistical measures, despite having tremendous opportunities available to him within a few years. A kid fresh out of high school might be making a little more than minimum wage now, but could move up quickly with hard work to be earning a decent wage in a few years. And a business owner might make some bad decisions or hit some bad breaks and lose everything in the same time.
Neither "the poor" nor "the rich" are static groups. The silly thing about all of the class hatred spewing forth from the left is that it clamors to support a man or woman when they are down on their luck, then turns on them if they work hard and actually succeed in life. Somehow the individual has gone from benign to benighted, merely by profiting from his or her own hard work and sound decision making. Maybe that makes sense to some people, but it doesn't to me.
Now, on the issue of economics, I'd encourage you to read this excerpt from an exchange between Dinesh D'Souza and E.J. Dionne found on Slate.com:
Quote: At the time, most pundits felt that after the landmark tax changes of 1981, another major effort at tax reform was never going to succeed. But Reagan knew that some Democrats, such as Bill Bradley and Dan Rostenkowski, supported a restructuring of the tax code. The Reagan administration negotiated a compromise: Republicans would agree to close loopholes if Democrats would agree to lower tax rates. And the top marginal rate, which was 70 percent when Reagan came to office and had been lowered to 50 percent in 1981, was further reduced to 28 percent.
You charge me with arguing that a mere correlation between events and Reagan's tenure proves that Reagan did all the things that happened under his watch. But my argument is hardly as simple as that. Rather, when we come across remarkable and unforeseen developments, we have to ask: Did all these things happen purely by chance? If not, what factors can be reasonably credited with producing them? Specifically, what policies helped to tame inflation after an era of double-digit price increases, to revive economic growth after the malaise of the Carter years, or to bring about the end of the Soviet empire after a period in which the Soviets seemed in the vanguard of history?
When we consider that Reagan--in complete defiance of the prevailing wisdom--predicted these outcomes, implemented policies to bring them about, and then witnessed them occur, we have to take seriously the possibility that this was not another timeserver but one of those few men who truly changed the world in which we live. By contrast, Clinton inherited a country that was already enjoying the blessings of post-Cold War peace and a rising economic tide. Sure, he deserves some credit for not screwing it up. But that is a much less impressive accomplishment than turning the country and the world around.
Nowhere do I argue, as you allege, that "what led to the economic recovery was Reagan's massive deficit." The 15-year Reagan boom was propelled by sharply lower marginal tax rates, together with other Reaganite policies of deregulation and privatization. Reagan's rhetoric as well as his policies validated the achievements of the entrepreneur rather than the social worker or government bureaucrat. Thus my book makes the case that the economic and technological surge of the 1980s was no accident. Yes, the results were a tribute to the functioning of free markets, but Reagan's policies created an environment in which markets could flourish relatively unmolested by meddlesome bureaucrats.
Reagan vs. Clinton
Now, as to the current downturn; maybe it was Clinton policies, or maybe it was other factors or a natural cycle of the economy, but you've got zero chance of pinning a downturn on Bush that started at least 6 months before Clinton left office. Given the lag-time between causation and effect in the economy, you might reasonably blame problems experienced by whatever administration follows GWB on his policies, but barring time travel, you can't logically blame him for the legacy of Clinton's watch.