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THE US, THE UN AND THE IRAQIS THEMSELVES, V. 7.0

 
 
Walter Hinteler
 
  1  
Reply Mon 25 Apr, 2005 12:00 pm
Foxfyre wrote:
And Walter, I don't wish to nitpick details on the structure of the U.N. The Security Council is a division of the U.N. and if you think the Security Council is not subject to the main governming body of the U.N., you have a very different understanding of that than I do.
Indeed, I have.
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Foxfyre
 
  1  
Reply Mon 25 Apr, 2005 12:02 pm
Well we certainly have done that and with good results. So long as things are done in order, with honest and open motives, and reasonable ethics and justice are employed. But again such is done by agreement and it is temporal. Unless the accused are in custody, such would bear little weight I would think with citizens of a sovereign nation who did not agree to the trial. I would not wish my nation to participate in a kangaroo court.
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Cycloptichorn
 
  1  
Reply Mon 25 Apr, 2005 12:04 pm
Given that we feel that we are superiour to other nations,

and we feel that international law is whatever we believe it is,

how can we fault other nations for acting in the same way?

Cycloptichorn
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old europe
 
  1  
Reply Mon 25 Apr, 2005 12:08 pm
Foxfyre wrote:
Well we certainly have done that and with good results. So long as things are done in order, with honest and open motives, and reasonable ethics and justice are employed. But again such is done by agreement and it is temporal. Unless the accused are in custody, such would bear little weight I would think with citizens of a sovereign nation who did not agree to the trial.


I don't understand. By agreement, of course. Temporal... why? If the results have been good so far and things are done with honest and open motives, why should such agreement be temporal? Unless you limit the temporality of that to the prosecution of one individual person.

Problem with that last sentence, Foxy. "[S]uch would bear little weight [...] with citizens of a sovereign nation who did not agree to the trial"

I don't think a murderer, even though citizen of a sovereign nation, does agree more often than not to his trial.

Please clarify.
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old europe
 
  1  
Reply Mon 25 Apr, 2005 12:14 pm
Cycloptichorn wrote:
Given that we feel that we are superiour to other nations,

and we feel that international law is whatever we believe it is,

how can we fault other nations for acting in the same way?

Cycloptichorn



That's what the discussion is all about. Glad to see you here, Cyc!
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Foxfyre
 
  1  
Reply Mon 25 Apr, 2005 12:19 pm
OE, what I mean is, we could try the likes of Saddam Hussein, convict him, sentence him to prison and/or death, and he would not accept such a trial as valid in any way nor would he give one minute's concern for it unless we went in and got him. If some group of nations got together to try and indict our president or our government and we considered the charges bogus and the trial as having no authority, we would snub our nose at it. Wouldn't Germany? Wouldn't any soverign nation?

You have to have the crooks in custody before a trial means much.

To Walter:

Article 12 (of the UN Charter):
1. While the Security Council is exercising in respect of any dispute or situation the functions assigned to it in the present Charter, the General Assembly shall not make any recommendation with regard to that dispute or situation unless the Security Council so requests.

2. The Secretary-General, with the consent of the Security Council, shall notify the General Assembly at each session of any matters relative to the maintenance of international peace and security which are being dealt with by the Security Council and similarly notify the General Assembly, or the Members of the United Nations if the General Assembly is not in session, immediately the Security Council ceases to deal with such matters.

Let's just say we're both right. The General Assembly does not give the Security Council its marching orders. However the Security Council does receive its authority and its funding from the General Assembly.
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old europe
 
  1  
Reply Mon 25 Apr, 2005 12:29 pm
Foxfyre wrote:
OE, what I mean is, we could try the likes of Saddam Hussein, convict him, sentence him to prison and/or death, and he would not accept such a trial as valid in any way nor would he give one minute's concern for it unless we went in and got him. If some group of nations got together to try and indict our president or our government and we considered the charges bogus and the trial as having no authority, we would snub our nose at it. Wouldn't Germany? Wouldn't any soverign nation?

You have to have the crooks in custody before a trial means much.


Sure, but you could issue arrest warrants to get the crooks, couldn't you? And if it wasn't just 'some group of nations', but 97 nations worldwide, wouldn't that help to further such extradition? Other measures could be taken, of course...

P.S.: Germany wouldn't.
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Walter Hinteler
 
  1  
Reply Mon 25 Apr, 2005 12:35 pm
Under the Charter, the functions and powers of the Security Council are as follows:

•to maintain international peace and security in accordance with the principles and purposes of the United Nations;
•to investigate any dispute or situation which might lead to international friction;
•to recommend methods of adjusting such disputes or the terms of settlement;
•to formulate plans for the establishment of a threat to peace or act of aggression and to recommend what action should be taken;
•to call on Members to apply economic sanctions and other measures not involving the use of force to prevent or stop aggression;
•to take military action against an aggressor;
•to recommend the admission of new Members and the terms on which States may become parties to the Statute of the International Court of Justice;
•to exercise the trusteeship functions of the United Nations in "strategic areas":
•to recommend to the General Assembly the appointment of the Secretary-General and, together with the Assembly, to elect the Judges of the International Court.
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georgeob1
 
  1  
Reply Mon 25 Apr, 2005 01:06 pm
old europe wrote:

How would that make a law 'international'? Wouldn't more states have to consent?

I can't see your point, George. If the US would say "We believe in this, therefore it's international law", that wouldn't make any sense at all.

If your point was to show that something like 'international law' doesn't exist - why were you referring to it?


It isn't my definition. This is the definition most states in the world apply.

There are no courts with mandatory jurisdiction over sovereign states. The UN is not a world government and Kofi Anan is not the president of the world.

There are, for example, numerous claims for territorial seas made by various nations that conflict with the similar claims of other nations ---- ( China, Vietnam, and the Philippines all claim the same waters around the Spratley Islands in the South China Sea ), Moreover there are others that conflict wits the traditional freedom of the seas and the Right of Innocent Passage through certain straits. (Indonesia claims the Lomboc Straits as territorial waters and bans passage by ships of other nations - a ban that is widely ignored). What constitutes international law in these matters? The answer is general acceptance of the claim by other sovereign nations and a willingness to enforce the claim by the nation in question.
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Cycloptichorn
 
  1  
Reply Mon 25 Apr, 2005 01:07 pm
George, are you a champion of the idea that 'Might makes Right?'

Cycloptichorn
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georgeob1
 
  1  
Reply Mon 25 Apr, 2005 01:10 pm
I have given you an accurate definition of what constitutes international law -- namely it is that set of norms and rights which sovereign nations generally accept. There is no government of the world or court with mandatory juriusdiction over sovereign nations.

These are facts. How you characterize them with respect to might and right is your affair, not mine.
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Cycloptichorn
 
  1  
Reply Mon 25 Apr, 2005 01:11 pm
I just asked a simple question, is all. A yes or no answer would suffice.

Cycloptichorn
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old europe
 
  1  
Reply Mon 25 Apr, 2005 01:13 pm
As Foxy said,

Foxfyre wrote:
I think international law is whatever we, the USA, says it is so far as we are concerned.


Might makes Right.
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Foxfyre
 
  1  
Reply Mon 25 Apr, 2005 01:14 pm
OE writes
Quote:
Sure, but you could issue arrest warrants to get the crooks, couldn't you? And if it wasn't just 'some group of nations', but 97 nations worldwide, wouldn't that help to further such extradition? Other measures could be taken, of course...


But how often do 97 nations agree? Or even 10 to 20? I see that achieving agreement among a people as homogenous and unified as Europe on how the E.U. should look isn't moving along without a lot of bumps in the road. And I think the world is a much different place than it was 50 to 60 years ago.

Please do not think that I am opposing in any way formal cooperation beween nations for whatever honorable mutual benefit such cooperation might produce. I am a 100% free trader and think it far better to be friends than enemies and work cooperatively with people and with companies and with nations whenver reasonable and possible to do so.

I do think the U.N. has lost its vision and has corrupted its primary purposes on many fronts. And I think it will require a major overhaul to get it back on track including new leadership from the top down. Not since Jeanne Kirkpatrick have we had a U.N. representative who would stand up and tell it like it is. I was hoping Bolton would be another one, but he may not make it the way things look.
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Walter Hinteler
 
  1  
Reply Mon 25 Apr, 2005 01:15 pm
Certainly you know, George that the USA is not a member of the generally accepted "Law of the Sea Convention" (LOSC) - "but recognizes it as reflecting customary international law, as provided in Presidential Proclamation 5030" (source for that quatation: FGDC Marine Boundary Working Group) - and thus actually follows it:wink:
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old europe
 
  1  
Reply Mon 25 Apr, 2005 01:16 pm
georgeob1 wrote:
I have given you an accurate definition of what constitutes international law -- namely it is that set of norms and rights which sovereign nations generally accept. There is no government of the world or court with mandatory juriusdiction over sovereign nations.

These are facts. How you characterize them with respect to might and right is your affair, not mine.


Via your definition, georgeob1, that international law is "that set of norms and rights which sovereign nations generally accept":

The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court was signed by 97 souvereign nations. I would call this general acceptance.

It was not signed by China, Iraq, Israel, Libya, Qatar and Yemen. And the USA.
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ican711nm
 
  1  
Reply Mon 25 Apr, 2005 01:21 pm
old europe wrote:
...Therefore [states] wouldn't accept any legislative process outside their own consent. It follows that they would follow their own counsel when it comes to interpretation of their commitments under international law.

This does not apply to treaties between two or more states. In such case, the other state or states that are parties to the treaty have whatever rights the treaty grants them in the event of their perception of a violation of the treaty by one or more of those parties.

I cannot see how this wouldn't apply to Iraq, then. If you argue that international law is what you accept as international law, and violations of international law are violations, then you would have to admit that, if Iraq says it didn't violate any laws, it didn't.

Iraq signed an armistice agreement with the UN (i.e., a treaty with the UN) obliging it to meet certain specific terms of that treaty. Multiple resolutions were passed by the UN alleging certain violations of that treaty by Iraq, and attempting to persuade Iraq to stop violating that treaty. If as alleged, Iraq violated that treaty, Iraq violated that which it had previously agreed to obey. Consequently, Iraq's claim that it didn't violate that treaty does not by itself constitute a veto of the UN's allegation.
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georgeob1
 
  1  
Reply Mon 25 Apr, 2005 01:21 pm
But you have no standing, no right to demand an answer.

Do you dispute the factual basis for what constitutes international law? Do you assert that these facts necessarily mean that anyone who acknowledges them therefore suscribes to the precept that might generally makes right in all human affairs? Alternatively one could suppose that, lacking a trustworthy world government, one might believe that for sovereign nations might makes right is the best that is available for them, but not applicable generally in human affairs.

In short are you after real understanding, or are you just trying to make a sophomoric debating point?
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Foxfyre
 
  1  
Reply Mon 25 Apr, 2005 01:25 pm
I thought we finally worked that out the International Court thing like in late 2000? Or did we formally reject it then? I'll have to look that up. The initial objections were this:

Quote:
On 6 November 1998, the Secretary-General received from the Government of the United States of America the following communication dated 5 November 1998, relating to the proposed corrections to the Statute circulated on 25 September 1998:

"[...] The United States wishes to note a number of concerns and objections regarding the procedure proposed for the correction of the six authentic texts and certified true copies:

"First, the United States wishes to draw attention to the fact that, in addition to the corrections which the Secretary-General now proposes, other changes had already been made to the text which was actually adopted by the Conference, without any notice or procedure. The text before the Conference was contained in A/CONF.183/C.1/L.76 and Adds. 1-13. The text which was issued as a final document, A/CONF.183/9, is not the same text. Apparently, it was this latter text which was presented for signature on July 18, even though it differed in a number of respects from the text that was adopted only hours before. At least three of these changes are arguably substantive, including the changes made to Article 12, paragraph 2(b), the change made to Article 93, paragraph 5, and the change made to Article 124. Of these three changes, the Secretary-General now proposes to "re-correct" only Article 124, so that it returns to the original text, but the other changes remain. The United States remains concerned, therefore, that the corrections process should have been based on the text that was actually adopted by the Conference.

" Second, the United States notes that the Secretary-General's communication suggests that it is "established depositary practice" that only signatory States or contracting States may object to a proposed correction. The United States does not seek to object to any of the proposed corrections, or to the additional corrections that were made earlier and without formal notice, although this should not be taken as an endorsement of the merits of any of the corrections proposed. The United States does note, however, that insofar as arguably substantive changes have been made to the original text without any notice or procedure, as noted above in relation to Articles 12 and 93, if any question of interpretation should subsequently arise it should be resolved consistent with A/CONF.183/C.1/L.76, the text that was actually adopted.

"More fundamentally, however, as a matter of general principle and for future reference, the United States objects to any correction procedure, immediately following a diplomatic conference, whereby the views of the vast majority of the Conference participants on the text which they have only just adopted would not be taken into account. The United States does not agree that the course followed by the Secretary-General in July represents "established depositary practice" for the type of circumstances presented here. To the extent that such a procedure has previously been established, it must necessarily rest on the assumption that the Conference itself had an adequate opportunity, in the first instance, to ensure the adoption of a technically correct text. Under the circumstances which have prevailed in some recent conferences, and which will likely recur, in which critical portions of the text are resolved at very late stages and there is no opportunity for the usual technical review by the Drafting Committee, the kind of corrections process which is contemplated here must be open to all.

" In accordance with Article 77, paragraph 1 (e) of the 1969 Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, the United States requests that this note be communicated to all States which are entitled to become parties to the Convention."
http://untreaty.un.org/ENGLISH/bible/englishinternetbible/partI/chapterXVIII/treaty10.asp
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old europe
 
  1  
Reply Mon 25 Apr, 2005 01:28 pm
georgeob1 wrote:
But you have no standing, no right to demand an answer.

Do you dispute the factual basis for what constitutes international law? Do you assert that these facts necessarily mean that anyone who acknowledges them therefore suscribes to the precept that might generally makes right in all human affairs? Alternatively one could suppose that, lacking a trustworthy world government, one might believe that for sovereign nations might makes right is the best that is available for them, but not applicable generally in human affairs.

In short are you after real understanding, or are you just trying to make a sophomoric debating point?


georgeob1, when we're discussing 'international law' I believe we are talking about 'public international law'. I would never claim that this is applicable to "all human affairs", as you're saying.

On the other hand, if you're complaining the lack of a "trustworthy world government", are you speaking in favor of such?

I am after real understanding. Nevertheless, we are coming from different societies (for lack of a better word). Whereas 'we Europeans' are trying to 'work together', sacrificing a certain amount of souvereignity at times, for the sake of a common goal, the US seems to be moving in the opposite direction. This is, at least, the perception many poeple have.
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