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THE US, THE UN AND THE IRAQIS THEMSELVES, V. 7.0

 
 
Cycloptichorn
 
  1  
Reply Thu 14 Apr, 2005 11:53 am
Not about the oil, eh?

Quote:
Operation Oil Immunity

Steve Kretzmann and Jim Vallette are analysts with the Sustainable Energy & Economy Network of the Institute for Policy Studies.

During the initial assault on Baghdad, soldiers set up forward bases named Camp Shell and Camp Exxon. Those soldiers knew the score, even if the Pentagon's talking points dismissed any ties between Iraqi oil and their blood.

The Bush/Cheney administration has moved quickly to ensure U.S. corporate control over Iraqi resources, at least through the year 2007. The first part of the plan, created by the United Nations under U.S. pressure, is the Development Fund for Iraq, which is being controlled by the United States and advised by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The second is a recent Bush executive order that provides absolute legal protection for U.S. interests in Iraqi oil.

In May, the U.N. Security Council unanimously adopted Resolution 1483, which ended sanctions and endorsed the creation of Development Fund for Iraq, to be controlled by Paul Bremer and overseen by a board of accountants, including U.N., World Bank and IMF representatives. It endorsed the transfer of over $1 billion (of Iraqi oil money) from the Oil-for-Food program into the Development Fund. All proceeds from the sale of Iraqi oil and natural gas are also to be placed into the fund.

In the creation and expected implementation of this Development Fund for Iraq, one finds the fingerprints of the global economic structural adjustment that has attracted so much protest in recent years. World Bank and IMF programs, backed by the rigged rules of the World Trade Organization, have imposed dramatic financial restructuring upon much of the world. Developing countries have amassed huge debts in exchange for selling out their natural resources to powerful Northern corporations. This paradigm cloaks corporate welfare and neocolonialism in terms of "poverty alleviation," and now in Iraq as "humanitarian assistance."

New debt for Iraq will accrue through the very program that President Bush pledged would "benefit the people of Iraq." The Development Fund, derived from actual and expected Iraqi oil and gas sales, will apparently be used to leverage U.S. government-backed loans, credit and direct financing for U.S. corporate forays into Iraq. Besides financing reconstruction projects, some of the funds will also be used as collateral for projects approved by the U.S. Export-Import Bank (ExIm), whose mission is not development or poverty alleviation, but rather the creation of U.S. jobs and the promotion of American business abroad.

ExIm recently announced that it was open for business in Iraq and would begin considering applications by subcontractors (that is, companies hired by Bechtel and Halliburton) in Iraq. Corporations have found it next to impossible to obtain private bank credit for work in Iraq, due to the ongoing insecure environment. But ExIm has stepped in to take a lead role in facilitating U.S. business in Iraq.

"The primary source of repayment," explained an ExIm release, "is the Development Fund for Iraq, or another entity established under the auspices of the Coalition Provisional Authority with access to foreign exchange and protection from claims of creditors of the former regime." In other words, the U.S. government is happy to provide credit to any U.S. business wishing to do business in Iraq -- especially because the money comes from Iraq.

But for the Bush/Cheney administration and their allies in the oil industry, this was not enough. Hours after the United Nations endorsed U.S. control of the "Development Fund" for Iraq, Bush signed an executive order that was spun as implementing Resolution 1483, but in reality went much further towards attracting investment and minimizing risk for U.S. corporations in Iraq.

Executive Order 13303 decrees that "any attachment, judgment, decree, lien, execution, garnishment, or other judicial process is prohibited, and shall be deemed null and void," with respect to the Development Fund for Iraq and "all Iraqi petroleum and petroleum products, and interests therein."

In other words, if ExxonMobil or ChevronTexaco touch Iraqi oil, it will be immune from legal proceedings in the United States. Anything that could go, and elsewhere has gone, awry with U.S. corporate oil operations will be immune to judgment: a massive tanker accident; an explosion at an oil refinery; the employment of slave labor to build a pipeline; murder of locals by corporate security; the release of billions of tons of carbon dioxide into the atmosphere. The president, with a stroke of the pen, signed away the rights of Saddam's victims, creditors and of the next true Iraqi government to be compensated through legal action. Bush's order unilaterally declares Iraqi oil to be the unassailable province of U.S. corporations.

In the short term, through the Development Fund and the Export-Import Bank programs, the Iraqi people's oil will finance U.S. corporate entrees into Iraq. In the long term, Executive Order 13303 protects anything those corporations do to seize control of Iraq's oil, from the point of production to the gas pump -- and places oil companies above the rule of law.


Grrrar!

I seethe with anger at the things that these people get away with!

Cycloptichorn
0 Replies
 
revel
 
  1  
Reply Thu 14 Apr, 2005 11:55 am
Maybe the reason that it is hard getting people to understand about the oil is because it would be just too horrible a reason for a nation to go war with another nation over oil and kill people on both sides. There must other alternatives and even if are not alternative sources for energy it is still too horrible a reason.

While I don't agree I would rather go with the getting the ME secure reason.
0 Replies
 
Steve 41oo
 
  1  
Reply Thu 14 Apr, 2005 11:58 am
but then we are all dependent on oil so we are all guilty.
Unless of course we are prepared to accept a significant drop in our standard of living. How many votes in that?
0 Replies
 
Cycloptichorn
 
  1  
Reply Thu 14 Apr, 2005 12:01 pm
One.

I vote for it. I don't drive.

Cycloptichorn
0 Replies
 
revel
 
  1  
Reply Thu 14 Apr, 2005 12:13 pm
I don't think I could change my lifestyle and not drive. I just think there has to be other sources and we just haven't fully explored them all yet. In any event, it is still not a reason to kill people.
0 Replies
 
revel
 
  1  
Reply Thu 14 Apr, 2005 12:20 pm
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/politics/administration/whbriefing/

Widows Give Bush an Earful

By Dan Froomkin

Special to washingtonpost.com

Thursday, April 14, 2005; 12:03 PM

Behind closed doors at the Ft. Hood army base on Tuesday, President Bush got an earful from some Iraq-war widows, who told him that the way the government is treating them is disgraceful.

"I just told him it was very wrong," one of the widows, Linnie Blankenbecler, 47, told me yesterday. "I was not intimidated by the president. My hardest reality was the death of my husband."

Bush spent more than three hours Tuesday meeting with 33 families of soldiers who died in Iraq. But the meetings were closed to the press and the White House only released sketchy details about what his interactions were like. (See yesterday's column.)

Blankenbecler had told the local paper, the Killeen Daily Herald, that she was planning to talk to the president about survivor benefits. So I called her up to find out how it went.

Blankenbecler's husband, Command Sgt. Maj. James Blankenbecler, died on Oct. 1, 2003, after his convoy came under attack in Samara, Iraq. Here's one of his many memorial pages on the Web. His voice is still on his family's answering machine.

Linnie Blankenbecler told me she is, and remains, a Bush supporter. She said she doesn't blame him either for the war or for the stinginess with which the government is remunerating survivors.

But she told him in no uncertain terms that he needed to make things better.

"I love the U. S. and I am proud of the way my husband died, but I think the way they are treating the families now is a disgrace to my husband and what he believed," she said.

There are two primary ways in which survivors of military personnel killed in action receive benefits: The Survivor Benefit Plan (SBP), which is based on time and service, and Dependency and Indemnity Compensation (DIC), which provides a flat monthly payment for two years after a service-connected death.

Blankenbecler is most upset about two things.

One is the rule that widows call the SBP-DIC offset, which actually takes away a dollar from one benefit for every dollar they get in the other.
"It's disgusting," Blankenbecler said.

The second is a provision in a bill Bush signed in December 2003 that added an extra $250 per dependent child to the DIC payment. But widows whose husbands died before the effective date -- Jan. 1, 2005 -- saw little or nothing of that benefit.

Blankenbecler said that's grossly unfair.

"I told him I was very disappointed that he would sign something like that," she said.

"I know that he doesn't understand everything that he signs, completely. So he asked one of his aides if he knew which bill I was talking about, and he told the guy to check into that.

"And he said he was sorry that I was disappointed, and that there's so many bills out there. I just got the impression that he didn't know which one I was talking about, and he probably didn't realize what he had done."

All in all, talking to the president on Tuesday helped, Blankenbecler said.
"The first thing he did was he told me he was sorry for the loss of my husband. For a year and a half, I had been wanting him to tell me that he was sorry -- not that I was holding him responsible in any way, but I was wanting to hear those words from him."

What was important, she said, was "just that he acknowledge that it happened, and that it has happened to 1,500 families. And I wanted him to tell me that personally, that he was sorry for my loss, and acknowledge that my husband was not just a number."

On that front, Blankenbecler declared herself satisfied.
"He's a very touchy, personable sort of president," she said, by "touchy" meaning "he's real free to kiss your cheek, to kiss your forehead, to hold your hand. He's just very, very charming, and I thought very compassionate."

Blankenbecler came with her daughter Jessica, 15, who wrote an e-mail to her father, titled "Hi, Daddy," two days after he died. The e-mail was recently reprinted in the book, "Chicken Soup for the Military Wife's Soul."
Bush hugged her daughter. Her daughter presented the president with a copy of the book. And Bush gave her a presidential pin.

Blankenbecler said Bush acknowledged that she wasn't the first person who had complained to him about benefits on Tuesday. "We have a widows' support group on Ft. Hood," she said. "We all have the same issues."

Blankenbecler said she believed that all the survivor families who still live in the area were invited to meet with Bush. In all, Fort Hood has lost 146 soldiers in Iraq.

And Blankenbecler said she thinks some of the other widows, unlike her, are opposed to the war. "I believe it was the right thing to do, my husband believed it was the right thing to do," she said.

But Blankenbecler said she didn't know if any of them expressed their views to the president.

A Widow Against the War

I have to wonder what Bush would say -- or has said -- faced with a widow who didn't support the war.

It might have happened on Tuesday if widow Shelann Clapp had been invited to meet with him. But she wasn't.

Clapp's exclusion apparently had everything to do with the fact that her husband died in a stateside accident -- and nothing to do with her opposition to the war, which until speaking with me yesterday she hadn't talked about in public.

But she's angry.

"I'm not a good military wife anymore, I'm an angry military wife. I'm an angry military widow," she said.

Her husband of 28 years, Chief Warrant Officer 5 Douglas V. Clapp, died in November in a helicopter crash not far from Fort Hood. The Black Hawk in which he was a passenger was headed to check out equipment being readied for use in Iraq when it hit support wires from a TV transmission tower. He'd served in the military for more than 30 years and had recently returned from a deployment in Iraq.

What Shelann Clapp is angriest about is that she didn't even hear that Bush was meeting with survivor families until the next day.

"Maybe my husband didn't really count," she said.

"I disagree with a distinction being made between soldiers that died in the war and soldiers that died supporting the war. . . . He's still not home with my family."

Losing her husband as part of a war effort that she thought wasn't necessary in the first place makes it particularly hard, she said.

"I did not support the war. I did not support us going to war," she said. "I think my husband's death was in vain, I really do. I don't think it needed to happen. It did not need to happen. . . .

"I won't say my husband gave his life for this country. I will never say that," she said. "I would say he lost his life for this country."

How many of the other Fort Hood widows think their husbands died in vain -- and did any of them get to meet with Bush on Tuesday? Clapp doesn't know. "We tend not to discuss that," she said. "We just talk about the guys."

If any survivors who have met with the president are reading this, I'd love to tell your story. E-mail me at [email protected].
0 Replies
 
McTag
 
  1  
Reply Thu 14 Apr, 2005 12:24 pm
Transport is important, to be sure, but so is electricity. More so.

Winter heat, and and summer aircon. Oil-dependent, mostly. Oil or natural gas.

So, much of America would not even be inhabitable (by modern expectations) without oil. Too cold in winter, too hot in summer, and no personal transport to migrate with the seasons. A bleak prospect. One, some may think, worth telling a few lies to avoid.
0 Replies
 
cicerone imposter
 
  1  
Reply Thu 14 Apr, 2005 12:44 pm
It's the economics, stupid! Yeah, it's always been about oil. Nations go to war to "save" their economies; that's the bottom line. Our leaders can't very well say; "well, folks, we're going into Iraq on a preemptive strike that may very well kill thousands of innocent Iraqis to save our oil supply."
0 Replies
 
ican711nm
 
  1  
Reply Thu 14 Apr, 2005 05:05 pm
cicerone imposter wrote:
It's the economics, stupid! Yeah, it's always been about oil. Nations go to war to "save" their economies; that's the bottom line. Our leaders can't very well say; "well, folks, we're going into Iraq on a preemptive strike that may very well kill thousands of innocent Iraqis to save our oil supply."

Fantasy!

That's just pure fantasy concocted to justify your unjustifiable position.

The US oil supply was not jeopardized by any actions of Saddam's Regime. Iraqi oil was flowing and selling at market prices. If stabilization of the US oil supply were our primary motive, the US would not have invaded Iraq, because the US oil supply was already stable. The US jeopardized its oil supply by invading Iraq.

However, the future physical health of Americans was put in jeopardy by the failure of Saddam's regime to remove al Qaeda bases from Iraq. The US was well educated about what only 19 well trained terrorists can do armed only with plastic boxcutters. So the US sought to destroy al Qaeda's ability to well train anymore terrorists by invading Afghanistan and Iraq.
0 Replies
 
Cycloptichorn
 
  1  
Reply Thu 14 Apr, 2005 05:40 pm
Ya gotta think farther in the future than that, Ican! Iraq wasn't truly stable with Hussein in power; not near as stable as the place would be with US in power, and our oil companies with a solid base to pump from...

Read my post again here and tell me what you interpret it as: http://www.able2know.com/forums/viewtopic.php?p=1281749#1281749

Cycloptichorn
0 Replies
 
ican711nm
 
  1  
Reply Thu 14 Apr, 2005 06:12 pm
Cycloptichorn wrote:
Ya gotta think farther in the future than that, Ican! Iraq wasn't truly stable with Hussein in power; not near as stable as the place would be with US in power, and our oil companies with a solid base to pump from... Read my post again here and tell me what you interpret it as: http://www.able2know.com/forums/viewtopic.php?p=1281749#1281749 Cycloptichorn

Fantasy!
I read your post, including the article you quoted, a second time. The article and your post read like pure fantasy the second time just as they did the first time.

If protection of US oil supply were the paramount objective, Bush&Adm (not just a couple of US citizens) should have joined in Saddam's corruption of the UN Oil-for-Food program to the same degree as did the Russian, French, and German governments.

The US removal of the Saddam regime destablized the security of the Iraqi oil fields. Anyone with a modicum of imagination would have figured out in advance that the productivity of those oil fields would be at far greater future risk if we invaded Iraq than if we didn't. The US invaded anyway to stop more al Qaeda terrorists in Iraq from becoming well trained enough to kill thousands more American residents.

But Bush&Adm at least had the presence of mind to do their best to immediately protect those oil fields including pipe lines from sabotage after the US invaded Iraq. However, Bush&Adm have not yet succeeded in providing those fields adequate protection. That protection will not be adequate until the Baathist-al-Qaeda terrorists are exterminated.
0 Replies
 
Cycloptichorn
 
  1  
Reply Thu 14 Apr, 2005 06:17 pm
Sorry for being vague. My question is, what do you make of the presidential order?

Why would such a thing be written?

Cycloptichorn
0 Replies
 
ican711nm
 
  1  
Reply Thu 14 Apr, 2005 06:31 pm
Cycloptichorn wrote:
Sorry for being vague. My question is, what do you make of the presidential order? Why would such a thing be written?
Cycloptichorn


Quote:
Executive Order 13303 decrees that "any attachment, judgment, decree, lien, execution, garnishment, or other judicial process is prohibited, and shall be deemed null and void," with respect to the Development Fund for Iraq and "all Iraqi petroleum and petroleum products, and interests therein."


Bush&Adm were seeking thereby to minimize the bleeding of the Development Fund for Iraq by domestic or international tort lawyers, their clients, and their judicial allies. It is critical in a wartime environment to protect such a fund from unscrupulous parasites who would use wartime tragedies, accidents and blunders to enrich their own pockets at the expense of the Iraqi people. The US investment in Iraq re-development is substantial and we were damn sure not going to sit by and watch tort lawyers and their clients run off with that investment.
0 Replies
 
Cycloptichorn
 
  1  
Reply Thu 14 Apr, 2005 07:04 pm
Can you cite example of how you came to this conclusion? Have you read about such things happening, or is this the answer you BELIEVE to be true based upon your supposition?

Respectfully. Because there are other interpretations of this which also make sense.

Cycloptichorn
0 Replies
 
ican711nm
 
  1  
Reply Thu 14 Apr, 2005 07:45 pm
Cycloptichorn wrote:
Can you cite example of how you came to this conclusion? Have you read about such things happening, or is this the answer you BELIEVE to be true based upon your supposition?
Respectfully. Because there are other interpretations of this which also make sense. Cycloptichorn

The interpretation given in your quote doesn't make sense to me. Only if one assumes that the management of the oil companies are complete fools seeking an obviously unwarranted benefit, can one come to the conclusions quoted. I don't think the management of the oil companies are complete fools seeking obviously unwarranted benefits. After all, it is also the oil companies who are restricted by the order from tort like redress at the expense of the Iraqis.

I think Bush's order reads like a standard way of dealing with the management of a very high risk operation that is subject to producing enormous financial liabilities if not kept in check by some sort of prior declaration of release from financial responsibility. It reads very much like the standard releases from financial liability that I have encountered in aviation for much less risky ventures: for example, You fly this aircraft at your own risk, and the owners are not responsible for any damages to you or anyone else, whatsoever.

The Iraqis have enough to worry about without worrying about being sued for their development funds because of this or that screw up by them or their associates or their allies.

By the way, I pray that you maintain a modicum of objectivity by recognizing the truth of the following:

It is not the probable intentions of Bush&Adm (good or bad) that determine the quality of the "common Defense and general Welfare of the United States;" it is the actual consequences of Bush&Adm actions that determine the quality of the "common Defense and general Welfare of the United States."
0 Replies
 
ican711nm
 
  1  
Reply Thu 14 Apr, 2005 08:10 pm
www.hillsdale.edu

Quote:
April Imprimis

Knowing History and Knowing Who We Are

David McCullough, Historian

--------------------------------------------
David McCullough was born in 1933 in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, and was educated there and at Yale. Author of John Adams, Truman, Brave Companions, The Path Between the Seas, Mornings on Horseback, The Great Bridge and The Johnstown Flood, he has twice received the Pulitzer Prize and twice the National Book Award, as well as the Francis Parkman Prize and the Los Angeles Times Book Award. His next book, 1776, will be published in May 2005.
-----------------------------------------------------
The following is an abridged transcript of remarks delivered on February 15, 2005, in Phoenix, Arizona, at a Hillsdale College National Leadership Seminar on the topic, “American History and America’s Future.”
---------------------------------------------

Harry Truman once said the only new thing in the world is the history you don’t know. Lord Bolingbroke, who was an 18th century political philosopher, said that history is philosophy taught with examples. An old friend, the late Daniel Boorstin, who was a very good historian and Librarian of Congress, said that trying to plan for the future without a sense of the past is like trying to plant cut flowers. We’re raising a lot of cut flowers and trying to plant them, and that’s much of what I want to talk about tonight.

The task of teaching and writing history is infinitely complex and infinitely seductive and rewarding. And it seems to me that one of the truths about history that needs to be portrayed – needs to be made clear to a student or to a reader – is that nothing ever had to happen the way it happened. History could have gone off in any number of different directions in any number of different ways at any point along the way, just as your own life can. You never know. One thing leads to another. Nothing happens in a vacuum. Actions have consequences. These all sound self-evident. But they’re not self-evident – particularly to a young person trying to understand life.

Nor was there ever anything like the past. Nobody lived in the past, if you stop to think about it. Jefferson, Adams, Washington – they didn’t walk around saying, “Isn’t this fascinating, living in the past?” They lived in the present just as we do. The difference was it was their present, not ours. And just as we don’t know how things are going to turn out for us, they didn’t either. It’s very easy to stand on the mountaintop as an historian or biographer and find fault with people for why they did this or didn’t do that, because we’re not involved in it, we’re not inside it, we’re not confronting what we don’t know – as everyone who preceded us always was.

Nor is there any such creature as a self-made man or woman. We love that expression, we Americans. But every one who’s ever lived has been affected, changed, shaped, helped, hindered by other people. We all know, in our own lives, who those people are who’ve opened a window, given us an idea, given us encouragement, given us a sense of direction, self-approval, self-worth, or who have straightened us out when we were on the wrong path. Most often they have been parents. Almost as often they have been teachers. Stop and think about those teachers who changed your life, maybe with one sentence, maybe with one lecture, maybe by just taking an interest in your struggle. Family, teachers, friends, rivals, competitors – they’ve all shaped us. And so too have people we’ve never met, never known, because they lived long before us. They have shaped us too – the people who composed the symphonies that move us, the painters, the poets, those who have written the great literature in our language. We walk around everyday, everyone of us, quoting Shakespeare, Cervantes, Pope. We don’t know it, but we are, all the time. We think this is our way of speaking. It isn’t our way of speaking – it’s what we have been given. The laws we live by, the freedoms we enjoy, the institutions that we take for granted – as we should never take for granted – are all the work of other people who went before us. And to be indifferent to that isn’t just to be ignorant, it’s to be rude. And ingratitude is a shabby failing. How can we not want to know about the people who have made it possible for us to live as we live, to have the freedoms we have, to be citizens of this greatest of countries in all time? It’s not just a birthright, it is something that others struggled for, strived for, often suffered for, often were defeated for and died for, for us, for the next generation.


Character And Destiny


Now those who wrote the Declaration of Independence in Philadelphia that fateful summer of 1776 were not superhuman by any means. Every single one had his flaws, his failings, his weaknesses. Some of them ardently disliked others of them. Every one of them did things in his life he regretted. But the fact that they could rise to the occasion as they did, these imperfect human beings, and do what they did is also, of course, a testimony to their humanity. We are not just known by our failings, by our weaknesses, by our sins. We are known by being capable of rising to the occasion and exhibiting not just a sense of direction, but strength.

The Greeks said that character is destiny, and the more I read and understand of history, the more convinced I am that they were right. You look at the great paintings by John Trumbull or Charles Willson Peale or Copley or Gilbert Stuart of those remarkable people who were present at the creation of our nation, the Founders as we call them. Those aren’t just likenesses. They are delineations of character and were intended to be. And we need to understand them, and we need to understand that they knew that what they had created was no more perfect than they were. And that has been to our advantage. It has been good for us that it wasn’t all just handed to us in perfect condition, all ready to run in perpetuity – that it needed to be worked at and improved and made to work better. There’s a wonderful incident that took place at the Cambria Iron Company in Johnstown, Pennsylvania, in the 19th century, when they were building the first Bessemer steel machinery, adapted from what had been seen of the Bessemer process in Britain. There was a German engineer named John Fritz, and after working for months to get this machinery finished, he came into the plant one morning, and he said, “Alright boys, let’s start her up and see why she doesn’t work.” That’s very American. We will find out what’s not working right and we will fix it, and then maybe it will work right. That’s been our star, that’s what we’ve guided on.

I have just returned from a cruise through the Panama Canal. I think often about why the French failed at Panama and why we succeeded. One of the reasons we succeeded is that we were gifted, we were attuned to adaptation, to doing what works, whereas they were trained to do everything in a certain way. We have a gift for improvisation. We improvise in jazz; we improvise in much of our architectural breakthroughs. Improvisation is one of our traits as a nation, as a people, because it was essential, it was necessary, because we were doing again and again and again what hadn’t been done before.

Keep in mind that when we were founded by those people in the late 18th century, none of them had had any prior experience in either revolutions or nation-making. They were, as we would say, winging it. And they were idealistic and they were young. We see their faces in the old paintings done later in their lives or looking at us from the money in our wallets, and we see the awkward teeth and the powdered hair, and we think of them as elder statesmen. But George Washington, when he took command of the continental army at Cambridge in 1775, was 43 years old, and he was the oldest of them. Jefferson was 33 when he wrote the Declaration of Independence. John Adams was 40. Benjamin Rush – one of the most interesting of them all and one of the founders of the antislavery movement in Philadelphia – was 30 years old when he signed the Declaration. They were young people. They were feeling their way, improvising, trying to do what would work. They had no money, no navy, no real army. There wasn’t a bank in the entire country. There wasn’t but one bridge between New York and Boston. It was a little country of 2,500,000 people, 500,000 of whom were held in slavery, a little fringe of settlement along the east coast. What a story. What a noble beginning. And think of this: almost no nations in the world know when they were born. We know exactly when we began and why we began and who did it.

In the rotunda of the Capitol in Washington hangs John Trumbull’s great painting, “The Declaration of Independence, Fourth of July, 1776.” It’s been seen by more people than any other American painting. It’s our best known scene from our past. And almost nothing about it is accurate. The Declaration of Independence wasn’t signed on July 4th. They didn’t start to sign the Declaration until August 2nd, and only a part of the Congress was then present. They kept coming back in the months that followed from their distant states to take their turn signing the document. The chairs are wrong, the doors are in the wrong place, there were no heavy draperies at the windows, and the display of military flags and banners on the back wall is strictly a figment of Trumbull’s imagination. But what is accurate about it are the faces. Every single one of the 47 men in that painting is an identifiable, and thus accountable, individual. We know what they look like. We know who they were. And that’s what Trumbull wanted. He wanted us to know them and, by God, not to forget them. Because this momentous step wasn’t a paper being handed down by a potentate or a king or a czar, it was the decision of a Congress acting freely.


Our Failure, Our Duty


We are raising a generation of young Americans who are by-and-large historically illiterate. And it’s not their fault. There have been innumerable studies, and there’s no denying it. I’ve experienced it myself again and again. I had a young woman come up to me after a talk one morning at the University of Missouri to tell me that she was glad she came to hear me speak, and I said I was pleased she had shown up. She said, “Yes, I’m very pleased, because until now I never understood that all of the 13 colonies – the original 13 colonies – were on the east coast.” Now you hear that and you think: What in the world have we done? How could this young lady, this wonderful young American, become a student at a fine university and not know that? I taught a seminar at Dartmouth of seniors majoring in history, honor students, 25 of them. The first morning we sat down and I said, “How many of you know who George Marshall was?” Not one. There was a long silence and finally one young man asked, “Did he have, maybe, something to do with the Marshall Plan?” And I said yes, he certainly did, and that’s a good place to begin talking about George Marshall.

We have to do several things. First of all we have to get across the idea that we have to know who we were if we’re to know who we are and where we’re headed. This is essential. We have to value what our forebears – and not just in the 18th century, but our own parents and grandparents – did for us, or we’re not going to take it very seriously, and it can slip away. If you don’t care about it – if you’ve inherited some great work of art that is worth a fortune and you don’t know that it’s worth a fortune, you don’t even know that it’s a great work of art and you’re not interested in it – you’re going to lose it.

We have to do a far better job of teaching our teachers. We have too many teachers who are graduating with degrees in education. They go to schools of education or they major in education, and they graduate knowing something called education, but they don’t know a subject. They’re assigned to teach botany or English literature or history, and of course they can’t perform as they should. Knowing a subject is important because you want to know what you’re talking about when you’re teaching. But beyond that, you can’t love what you don’t know. And the great teachers – the teachers who influence you, who change your lives – almost always, I’m sure, are the teachers that love what they are teaching. It is that wonderful teacher who says “Come over here and look in this microscope, you’re really going to get a kick out of this.”

There was a wonderful professor of child psychology at the University of Pittsburgh named Margaret McFarland who was so wise that I wish her teachings and her ideas and her themes were much better known. She said that attitudes aren’t taught, they’re caught. If the teacher has an attitude of enthusiasm for the subject, the student catches that whether the student is in second grade or is in graduate school. She said that if you show them what you love, they’ll get it and they’ll want to get it. Also if the teachers know what they are teaching, they are much less dependent on textbooks. And I don’t know when the last time you picked up a textbook in American history might have been. And there are, to be sure, some very good ones still in print. But most of them, it appears to me, have been published in order to kill any interest that anyone might have in history. I think that students would be better served by cutting out all the pages, clipping up all the page numbers, mixing them all up and then asking students to put the pages back together in the right order. The textbooks are dreary, they’re done by committee, they’re often hilariously politically correct and they’re not doing any good. Students should not have to read anything that we, you and I, wouldn’t want to read ourselves. And there are wonderful books, past and present. There is literature in history. Let’s begin with Longfellow, for example. Let’s begin with Lincoln’s Second Inaugural Address, for example. These are literature. They can read that too.

History isn’t just something that ought to be taught or ought to be read or ought to be encouraged because it’s going to make us a better citizen. It will make us a better citizen; or because it will make us a more thoughtful and understanding human being, which it will; or because it will cause us to behave better, which it will. It should be taught for pleasure: The pleasure of history, like art or music or literature, consists of an expansion of the experience of being alive, which is what education is largely about.

And we need not leave the whole job of teaching history to the teachers. If I could have you come away from what I have to say tonight remembering one thing, it would be this: The teaching of history, the emphasis on the importance of history, the enjoyment of history, should begin at home. We who are parents or grandparents should be taking our children to historic sights. We should be talking about those books in biography or history that we have particularly enjoyed, or that character or those characters in history that have meant something to us. We should be talking about what it was like when we were growing up in the olden days. Children, particularly little children, love this. And in my view, the real focus should be at the grade school level. We all know that those little guys can learn languages so fast it takes your breath away. They can learn anything so fast it takes your breath away. And the other very important truth is that they want to learn. They can be taught to dissect a cow’s eye. They can be taught anything. And there’s no secret to teaching history or to making history interesting. Barbara Tuchman said it in two words, “Tell stories.” That’s what history is: a story. And what’s a story? E.M. Forster gave a wonderful definition to it: If I say to you the king died and then the queen died, that’s a sequence of events. If I say the king died and the queen died of grief, that’s a story. That’s human. That calls for empathy on the part of the teller of the story and of the reader or listener to the story. And we ought to be growing, encouraging, developing historians who have heart and empathy to put students in that place of those people before us who were just as human, just as real – and maybe in some ways more real than we are. We’ve got to teach history and nurture history and encourage history because it’s an antidote to the hubris of the present – the idea that everything we have and everything we do and everything we think is the ultimate, the best.

Going through the Panama Canal, I couldn’t help but think about all that I had read in my research on that story of what they endured to build that great path, how much they had to know and to learn, how many different kinds of talent it took to achieve that success, and what the Americans did under John Stevens and George Goethals in the face of unexpected breakdowns, landslides and floods. They built a canal that cost less than it was expected to cost, was finished before it was expected to be finished and is still running today exactly the same as it was in 1914 when it opened. They didn’t, by present day standards for example, understand the chemistry of making concrete. But when we go and drill into those concrete locks now, we find the deterioration is practically nil and we don’t know how they did it. That ingenious contrivance by the American engineers is a perfect expression of what engineering ought to be at its best – man’s creations working with nature. The giant gates work because they’re floating, they’re hollow like airplane wings. The electric motors that open and close the gates use power which is generated by the spillway from the dam that creates the lake that bridges the isthmus. It’s an extraordinary work of civilization. And we couldn’t do it any better today, and in some ways we probably wouldn’t do it as well. If you were to take a look, for example, at what’s happened with the “Big Dig” in Boston, you realize that we maybe aren’t closer to the angels by any means nearly a hundred years later.

We should never look down on those people and say that they should have known better. What do you think they’re going to be saying about us in the future? They’re going to be saying we should have known better. Why did we do that? What were we thinking of? All this second-guessing and the arrogance of it are unfortunate.


Listening To The Past


Samuel Eliot Morison said we ought to read history because it will help us to behave better. It does. And we ought to read history because it helps to break down the dividers between the disciplines of science, medicine, philosophy, art, music, whatever. It’s all part of the human story and ought to be seen as such. You can’t understand it unless you see it that way. You can’t understand the 18th century, for example, unless you understand the vocabulary of the 18th century. What did they mean by those words? They didn’t necessarily mean the same thing as we do. There’s a line in one of the letters written by John Adams where he’s telling his wife Abigail at home, “We can’t guarantee success in this war, but we can do something better. We can deserve it.” Think how different that is from the attitude today when all that matters is success, being number one, getting ahead, getting to the top. However you betray or gouge or claw or do whatever awful thing is immaterial if you get to the top.

That line in the Adams letter is saying that how the war turns out is in the hands of God. We can’t control that, but we can control how we behave. We can deserve success. When I read that line when I was doing the research on the book, it practically lifted me out of my chair. And then about three weeks later I was reading some correspondence written by George Washington and there was the same line. I thought, wait a minute, what’s going on? And I thought, they’re quoting something. So, as we all often do, I got down good old Bartlett’s Familiar Quotations, and I started going through the entries from the 18th century and bingo, there it was. It’s a line from the play Cato. They were quoting something that was in the language of the time. They were quoting scripture of a kind, a kind of secular creed if you will. And you can’t understand why they behaved as they did if you don’t understand that. You can’t understand why honor was so important to them and why they were truly ready to put their lives, their fortunes, their sacred honor on the line. Those weren’t just words.

I want to read to you, in conclusion, a letter that John Quincy Adams received from his mother. Little John Adams was taken to Europe by his father when his father sailed out of Massachusetts in the midst of winter, in the midst of war, to serve our country in France. Nobody went to sea in the wintertime, on the North Atlantic, if it could possibly be avoided. And nobody did it trying to cut through the British barricade outside of Boston Harbor because the British ships were sitting out there waiting to capture somebody like John Adams and take him to London and to the Tower, where he would have been hanged as a traitor. But they sent this little ten-year-old boy with his father, risking his life, his mother knowing that she wouldn’t see him for months, maybe years at best. Why? Because she and his father wanted John Quincy to be in association with Franklin and the great political philosophers of France, to learn to speak French, to travel in Europe, to be able to soak it all up. And they risked his life for that – for his education. We have no idea what people were willing to do for education in times past. It’s the one sustaining theme through our whole country – that the next generation will be better educated than we are. John Adams himself is a living example of the transforming miracle of education. His father was able to write his name, we know. His mother was almost certainly illiterate. And because he had a scholarship to Harvard, everything changed for him. He said, “I discovered books and read forever,” and he did. And they wanted this for their son.

Well, it was a horrendous voyage. Everything that could have happened to go wrong, went wrong. And when the little boy came back, he said he didn’t ever want to go across the Atlantic again as long as he lived. And then his father was called back, and his mother said you’re going back. And here is what she wrote to him. Now, keep in mind that this is being written to a little kid and listen to how different it is from how we talk to our children in our time. She’s talking as if to a grownup. She’s talking to someone whom they want to bring along quickly because there’s work to do and survival is essential:


These are the times in which genius would wish to live. It is not in the still calm of life or the repose of a pacific station that great characters are formed. The habits of a vigorous mind are formed in contending with difficulties. Great necessities call out great virtues. When a mind is raised and animated by scenes that engage the heart, then those qualities which would otherwise lay dormant wake into life and form the character of the hero and the statesman.


Now, there are several interesting things going on in that letter. For all the times that she mentions the mind, in the last sentence she says, “When a mind is raised and animated by scenes that engage the heart, then those qualities which would otherwise lay dormant wake into life and form the character of the hero and the statesman.” In other words, the mind itself isn’t enough. You have to have the heart. Well, of course he went and the history of our country is different because of it. John Quincy Adams, in my view, was the most superbly educated and maybe the most brilliant human being who ever occupied the executive office. He was, in my view, the greatest Secretary of State we’ve ever had. He wrote the Monroe Doctrine, among other things. And he was a wonderful human being and a great writer. Told to keep a diary by his father when he was in Europe, he kept the diary for 65 years. And those diaries are unbelievable. They are essays on all kinds of important, heavy subjects. He never tells you who he had lunch with or what the weather’s like. But if you want to know that, there’s another sort of little Cliff diary that he kept about such things.

Well after the war was over, Abigail went to Europe to be with her husband, particularly when he became our first minister to the court of Saint James. And John Quincy came home from Europe to prepare for Harvard. And he had not been home in Massachusetts very long when Abigail received a letter from her sister saying that John Quincy was a very impressive young man – and of course everybody was quite astonished that he could speak French – but that, alas, he seemed a little overly enamored with himself and with his own opinions and that this was not going over very well in town. So Abigail sat down in a house that still stands on Grosvenor Square in London – it was our first embassy if you will, a little 18th century house – and wrote a letter to John Quincy. And here’s what she said:


If you are conscious to yourself that you possess more knowledge upon some subjects than others of your standing, reflect that you have had greater opportunities of seeing the world and obtaining knowledge of mankind than any of your contemporaries. That you have never wanted a book, but it has been supplied to you. That your whole time has been spent in the company of men of literature and science. How unpardonable would it have been in you to have turned out a blockhead.


How unpardonable it would be for us – with all that we have been given, all the advantages we have, all the continuing opportunities we have to enhance and increase our love of learning – to turn out blockheads or to raise blockheads. What we do in education, what these wonderful teachers and administrators and college presidents and college and university trustees do is the best, most important work there is.

So I salute you all for your interest in education and in the education of Hillsdale. I salute you for coming out tonight to be at an event like this. Not just sitting at home being a spectator. It’s important that we take part. Citizenship isn’t just voting. We all know that. Let’s all pitch in. And let’s not lose heart. They talk about what a difficult, dangerous time we live in. And it is very difficult, very dangerous and very uncertain. But so it has always been. And this nation of ours has been through darker times. And if you don’t know that – as so many who broadcast the news and subject us to their opinions in the press don’t seem to know – that’s because we’re failing in our understanding of history.

The Revolutionary War was as dark a time as we’ve ever been through. 1776, the year we so consistently and rightly celebrate every year, was one of the darkest times, if not the darkest time in the history of the country. Many of us here remember the first months of 1942 after Pearl Harbor when German submarines were sinking our oil tankers right off the coasts of Florida and New Jersey, in sight of the beaches, and there wasn’t a thing we could do about it. Our recruits were drilling with wooden rifles, we had no air force, half of our navy had been destroyed at Pearl Harbor, and there was nothing to say or guarantee that the Nazi machine could be defeated – nothing. Who was to know? I like to think of what Churchill said when he crossed the Atlantic after Pearl Harbor and gave a magnificent speech. He said we haven’t journeyed this far because we’re made of sugar candy. It’s as true today as it ever was.
0 Replies
 
revel
 
  1  
Reply Fri 15 Apr, 2005 12:48 am
clyop, I don't mean to interrupt and for a subject that don't have anything to do with Iraq. I remember a while back you mentioned Murdock and I read this article that grabed my attention and I just thought it interesting. To me it says that the conservative is getting a bit worried.

http://www.editorandpublisher.com/eandp/news/article_display.jsp?vnu_content_id=1000882643

Carry on, I just thought it interesting.
0 Replies
 
Steve 41oo
 
  1  
Reply Fri 15 Apr, 2005 06:30 am
some while back ci said

"Our leaders can't very well say; "well, folks, we're going into Iraq on a preemptive strike that may very well kill thousands of innocent Iraqis to save our oil supply.""

That just about sums it up ci. Our leaders can't say that, so guess what, they dont.

Maybe some in government actually believe their own propaganda. They prefer that to the truth about what they are really doing and why.

It is an extremely sobering thought. What really frightens me (I've said this before) is not that oil was part of the mix of reasons for invading Iraq, but that oil made invading Iraq necessary...and it doesn't end there.

And of course the next post from Ican

"Fantasy!"

No its not a fantasy Ican, its a living nightmare.
0 Replies
 
georgeob1
 
  1  
Reply Fri 15 Apr, 2005 06:53 am
Steve (as 41oo) wrote:
.

And of course the next post from Ican

"Fantasy!"

No its not a fantasy Ican, its a living nightmare.


No, it is a nightmare only for those who - in defiance of all the facts and the evident conclusions of rational consideration of them - cling to this fantasy.

The real story os much more direct and believable than the fantastic and highly contrived explanations you persistently offer on this subject.
0 Replies
 
Foxfyre
 
  1  
Reply Fri 15 Apr, 2005 07:11 am
Steve writes
Quote:
"Our leaders can't very well say; "well, folks, we're going into Iraq on a preemptive strike that may very well kill thousands of innocent Iraqis to save our oil supply.""

That just about sums it up ci. Our leaders can't say that, so guess what, they dont.

Maybe some in government actually believe their own propaganda. They prefer that to the truth about what they are really doing and why.


Just before the November election, I had opportunity to be in a gathering with my elected Congressional representative and point blank asked the question: "Why did we invade Iraq" and received her heartfelt and plainfly spoken response, "It was the next logical step in the war on terrorism as Saddam was in the business of terrorism, he was on the record as intending to hurt us, and we had reason to believe he had the capability and the will to do that once the sanctions were lifted and the no fly zones were no longer patroled."

I asked her, "Did you believe there were WMD?" She said absolutely, that was the belief.

Somebody asked her, "So oil was not an issue?"

She said, oil was an issue only to the point that Saddam controls a significant part of the world's oil reserve and it was not in the interest of anybody that he be given opportunity to control more of it. Oil for our own use was not even on the radar screen as a reason for why Iraq was invaded.

(I am of course paraphrasing her remarks but this is the gist of it.)

I would suggest that everybody have this conversation face to face with your elected congressperson or at least inquire via telephone or e-mail. And compare his/her answers now with his/her remarks prior to or during the initial phase of the Iraqi invasion. You'll find that some of the most virulent of the President's opposition were talking a much different game then than they are now. My congressperson has not changed her stance in the least from then to now.

I presume if one believes that their elected officials are or were lying or deluded (or had been totally tricked by the former and present administrations), such person has an inside track on what the true motives were and have just been unable to convince the media that the government has run amuck. Or maybe such person actually believes his/her own propaganda.

I'm not picking on Steve because his opinions here are typical of those who are in opposition to the present administration. But it's all propaganda other than what is actually on the record. And what's on the record is virtually identical to what was on the record in the Clinton adminsitration. To assume motives other than what is on the reocrd is simply an assumption that doesn't hold up under scrutiny.
0 Replies
 
 

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