Funny how you all hit on Bi-Polar and conveniently ignore ebrown-p's posts where he summarizes the basic point:
Quote:There was a strong feeling among many who opposed the war that a strict regime of inspections was sufficient and preferrable to a war. And, it is clear now that inspections *were* sufficient to stop Iraq from having WMD's [..]
The very premise this inane thread is based on is flawed. The people who opposed the war never said that Iraq didn't have WMD's. The argument was that Iraq should be dealt with by the international comunity and that inspections were sufficient... and that argument appears to have been correct.
We know that Iraq had WMD back in the days. We know it because the US trumpeted the fact that 80% of them (figure quoted by heart) were dismantled thanks to the weapons inspections - back when the US were still touting these inspections as a good thing.
Basically, by 2003 the question had become: does Iraq still have any WMD, and if so, to any extent that Iraq poses an immediate threat to world peace? Can a regime of renewed weapon inspections combined with military threat tackle it sufficiently, or is war necessary?
GWB said: yes, we
know Saddam still has WMD - we have the intel; Saddam poses an immediate threat to not just world peace, but the US itself, and after 9/11 we cant accept that anymore; therefore, we can not afford to take the time that weapon inspections would cost, we have to act now.
That, as we now know, was all wrong.
War opponents said: we dont know how much of his once-impressive WMD arsenal Saddam still has; we have no evidence that whatever is still there poses the kind of acute threat to the US that would warrant venturing into an immediate, unilateral all-out war at the cost of alienating half of our allies; instead weapon inspections should be give further time, as they seem to have done quite the job back then.
I'd say the opponents turned out to be right.
What you can hold against them - us - is that we made a costs/benefits assessment in "realpolitik" tradition, and that without evidence of any acute WMD that couldnt have been solved by inspections (without evidence of the spectre of a new 9/11 that GWB was evoking), the benefits of war (get Saddam out) didnt weigh up against the costs (war dead, ruptured UN and diplomacy, alienated allies, distraction from Osama, angry "Arab street" etc). That costs/benefits analysis left the Iraqi people at the losing end - war opponents considered the costs of liberating them from Saddam too high, especially considering the uncertainty of post-Saddam prospects of their liberation.
That can be called cynical, though conservatives make these kind of arguments all the time. But
on WMD you dont really have much of an argument against the war opponents here, because you're setting up a straw man.