Blackwater

That oughta give you a major viagra moment.

Eewwwwww, look everybody, there's cjhsa all over the screen.

bm

This is what I get for simply providing useful info on a thread?

I can hear A2K47 firing away. Bam, bam, bam ....

Cute but it's an M-16.

What an arrogant dickhead!


Ship them all, including Prince, to The Hague. They can be put in the same ship hold as all of the republican war criminals. Those that escape prison there can then be shipped to Iraq for trial.

JTT: You first.

Why does A2K attract such deluded idiots?

There's just no explaining it, Cjhsa. There's you, McG, Ticomaya, Baldimo, ... in no particular order denoting depth of delusion. We just know that it's serious for each and every one.

You just joined my special club. I call it the "enemy combatant club".

A clear indication of the depth of your delusion.

Can't we...can't we...all just get abong?

Suicide Is Not Painless

By FRANK RICH
Published: October 21, 2007
IT was one of those stories lost in the newspaper's inside pages. Last week a man you've never heard of ?- Charles D. Riechers, 47, the second-highest-ranking procurement officer in the United States Air Force ?- killed himself by running his car's engine in his suburban Virginia garage.

Mr. Riechers's suicide occurred just two weeks after his appearance in a front-page exposé in The Washington Post. The Post reported that the Air Force had asked a defense contractor, Commonwealth Research Institute, to give him a job with no known duties while he waited for official clearance for his new Pentagon assignment. Mr. Riechers, a decorated Air Force officer earlier in his career, told The Post: "I really didn't do anything for C.R.I. I got a paycheck from them." The question, of course, was whether the contractor might expect favors in return once he arrived at the Pentagon last January.

Set against the epic corruption that has defined the war in Iraq, Mr. Riechers's tragic tale is but a passing anecdote, his infraction at most a misdemeanor. The $26,788 he received for two months in a non-job doesn't rise even to a rounding error in the Iraq-Afghanistan money pit. So far some $6 billion worth of contracts are being investigated for waste and fraud, however slowly, by the Pentagon and the Justice Department. That doesn't include the unaccounted-for piles of cash, some $9 billion in Iraqi funds, that vanished during L. Paul Bremer's short but disastrous reign in the Green Zone. Yet Mr. Riechers, not the first suicide connected to the war's corruption scandals, is a window into the culture of the whole debacle.

Through his story you can see how America has routinely betrayed the very values of democratic governance that it hoped to export to Iraq. Look deeper and you can see how the wholesale corruption of government contracting sabotaged the crucial mission that might have enabled us to secure the country: the rebuilding of the Iraqi infrastructure, from electricity to hospitals. You can also see just why the heretofore press-shy Erik Prince, the owner of Blackwater USA, staged a rapid-fire media blitz a week ago, sitting down with Charlie Rose, Lara Logan, Lisa Myers and Wolf Blitzer.

Mr. Prince wasn't trying to save his employees from legal culpability in the deaths of 17 innocent Iraqis mowed down on Sept. 16 in Baghdad. He knows that the legal loopholes granted contractors by Mr. Bremer back in 2004 amount to a get-out-of-jail-free card. He knows that Americans will forget about another 17 Iraqi casualties as soon as Blackwater gets some wrist-slapping punishment.

Instead, Mr. Prince is moving on, salivating over the next payday. As he told The Wall Street Journal last week, Blackwater no longer cares much about its security business; it is expanding into a "full spectrum" defense contractor offering a "one-stop shop" for everything from remotely piloted blimps to armored trucks. The point of his P.R. offensive was to smooth his quest for more billions of Pentagon loot.

Which brings us back to Mr. Riechers. As it happens, he was only about three degrees of separation from Blackwater. His Pentagon job, managing a $30 billion Air Force procurement budget, had been previously held by an officer named Darleen Druyun, who in 2004 was sentenced to nine months in prison for securing jobs for herself, her daughter and her son-in-law at Boeing while favoring the company with billions of dollars of contracts. Ms. Druyun's Pentagon post remained vacant until Mr. Riechers was appointed. He was brought in to clean up the corruption.

Yet the full story of the corruption during Ms. Druyun's tenure is even now still unknown. The Bush-appointed Pentagon inspector general delivered a report to Congress full of holes in 2005. Specifically, black holes: dozens of the report's passages were redacted, as were the names of many White House officials in the report's e-mail evidence on the Boeing machinations.

The inspector general also assured Congress that neither Donald Rumsfeld nor Paul Wolfowitz knew anything about the crimes. Senators on the Armed Services Committee were incredulous. John Warner, the Virginia Republican, could not believe that the Pentagon's top two officials had no information about "the most significant defense procurement mismanagement in contemporary history."

But the inspector general who vouched for their ignorance, Joseph Schmitz, was already heading for the exit when he delivered his redacted report. His new job would be as the chief operating officer of the Prince Group, Blackwater's parent company.

Much has been made of Erik Prince and his family's six-digit contributions to Republican candidates and lifelong connections to religious-right power brokers like James Dobson and Gary Bauer. Mr. Prince maintains that these contacts had nothing to do with Blackwater's growth from tiny start-up to billion-dollar federal contractor in the Bush years. But far more revealing, though far less noticed, is the pedigree of the Washington players on his payroll.

Blackwater's lobbyist and sometime spokesman, for instance, is Paul Behrends, who first represented the company as a partner in the now-defunct Alexander Strategy Group. That firm, founded by a former Tom DeLay chief of staff, proved ground zero in the Jack Abramoff scandals. Alexander may be no more, but since then, in addition to Blackwater, Mr. Behrends's clients have includeda company called the First Kuwaiti General Trading and Contracting Company, the builder of the new American embassy in Iraq.

That Vatican-sized complex is the largest American embassy in the world. Now running some $144 million over its $592 million budget and months behind schedule, the project is notorious for its deficient, unsafe construction, some of which has come under criminal investigation. First Kuwaiti has also been accused of engaging in human trafficking to supply the labor force. But the current Bush-appointed State Department inspector general ?- guess what ?- has found no evidence of any wrongdoing.

Both that inspector general, Howard Krongard, and First Kuwaiti are now in the cross hairs of Henry Waxman's House oversight committee. Some of Mr. Krongard's deputies have accused him of repeatedly halting or impeding investigations in a variety of fraud cases.

Representative Waxman is also trying to overcome State Department stonewalling to investigate corruption in the Iraqi government. In perverse mimicry of his American patrons, Nuri al-Maliki's office has repeatedly tried to limit the scope of inquiries conducted by Iraq's own Commission on Public Integrity. The judge in charge of that commission, Radhi Hamza al-Radhi, has now sought asylum in America. Thirty-one of his staff members and a dozen of their relatives have been assassinated, sometimes after being tortured.

The Waxman investigations notwithstanding, the culture of corruption, Iraq war division, remains firmly entrenched. Though some American bribe-takers have been caught ?- including Gloria Davis, an Army major who committed suicide in Kuwait after admitting her crimes last year ?- we are asked to believe they are isolated incidents. The higher reaches of the chain of command have been spared, much as they were at Abu Ghraib.

Even a turnover in administrations doesn't guarantee reform. J. Cofer Black, the longtime C.I.A. hand who is now Blackwater's vice chairman, has signed on as a Mitt Romney adviser. Hillary Clinton's Karl Rove, Mark Penn, doubles as the chief executive of Burson-Marsteller, the P.R. giant whose subsidiary helped prepare Mr. Prince for his Congressional testimony. Mr. Penn said the Blackwater association was "temporary."

War profiteering happens even in "good" wars. Arthur Miller made his name in 1947 with "All My Sons," which ends with the suicide of a corrupt World War II contractor whose defective airplane parts cost 21 pilots their lives. But in the case of Iraq, this corruption has been at the center of the entire mission, from war-waging to nation-building. As the investigative reporters Donald L. Barlett and James B. Steele observed in the October Vanity Fair, America has to date "spent twice as much in inflation-adjusted dollars to rebuild Iraq as it did to rebuild Japan ?- an industrialized country three times Iraq's size, two of whose cities had been incinerated by atomic bombs." (And still Iraq lacks reliable electric power.)

The cost cannot be measured only in lost opportunities, lives and money. There will be a long hangover of shame. Its essence was summed up by Col. Ted Westhusing, an Army scholar of military ethics who was an innocent witness to corruption, not a participant, when he died at age 44 of a gunshot wound to the head while working for Gen. David Petraeus training Iraqi security forces in Baghdad in 2005. He was at the time the highest-ranking officer to die in Iraq.

Colonel Westhusing's death was ruled a suicide, though some believe he was murdered by contractors fearing a whistle-blower, according to T. Christian Miller, the Los Angeles Times reporter who documents the case in his book "Blood Money." Either way, the angry four-page letter the officer left behind for General Petraeus and his other commander, Gen. Joseph Fil, is as much an epitaph for America's engagement in Iraq as a suicide note.

"I cannot support a msn that leads to corruption, human rights abuse and liars," Colonel Westhusing wrote, abbreviating the word mission. "I am sullied."

more information
More information

http://www.able2know.org/forums/viewtopic.php?t=103827

Hey, Blatham, you may be on to something there--more bongs, less war, let's mellow out, dudes.

"Jan Schakowsky is one of the few members of Congress who have made confronting the radically privatized war machine a legislative priority. Even before Blackwater operatives gunned down seventeen Iraqis and wounded some twenty-four others in Baghdad in September, propelling the issue of private forces to front-page news, Schakowsky had mercenaries in her scope. Now she is introducing legislation that seeks to end the use of companies like Blackwater in US war zones by 2009. Her Stop Outsourcing Security (SOS) Act "would mandate that all diplomatic security in Iraq be undertaken by U.S. government personnel within 6 months of enactment." It would also allow Congress to view any current security contract greater than $5 million and require government agencies and the military to report the number of contractors employed in Iraq and Afghanistan, any disciplinary actions taken against them, the total cost of the contracts and the number of contractors wounded or killed. "Private contracting companies have forfeited their right to represent the United States," says Schakowsky, asserting that they "put our troops in harm's way, and resulted in the unnecessary deaths of many innocent Iraqi civilians. They have become a liability instead of an asset."

The SOS bill is by far the toughest legislation to target private forces in Iraq, but it is not without problems. There is a loophole that could unwittingly pave the way for an expansion of the US war machine in Iraq. Calling for the government to take over from Blackwater, Triple Canopy and DynCorp could amount to de facto support for the dramatic and unprecedented militarization of the State Department's Bureau of Diplomatic Security. The department's Worldwide Personal Protective Services was originally envisioned as a small-scale bodyguard operation to protect small groups of US diplomats and other US and foreign officials. In Iraq, the Administration has turned it into a paramilitary force several thousand strong. Spending on the program jumped from $50 million in 2003 to $613 million in 2006. Schakowsky chose not to address this issue in her legislation, saying it "deserves a separate bill" and adding that she believes the issue should be investigated. In the absence of such action, her legislation could encourage more spending on what has become a paramilitary squad under the command of the White House."
http://www.thenation.com/docprint.mhtml?i=20071126&s=scahill

2 American companies like scandal-plagued Blackwater aren't the only ones sending fighters to Iraq -- German companies are also part of the mix. Their mercenaries are either getting rich in the process or returning home in a coffin
http://www.spiegel.de/international/germany/0,1518,516434,00.html

FBI finds Blackwater Iraq shootings unjustified, report says

But were not such contractors given immunity for any of their actions?

They were given immunity from Iraq (which was/is shameful) but not from the US.




source

(the whole article is interesting)

Here is another one:

State Dept official's brother linked to Blackwater

John Kerry spoke the unvarnished truth when he said,



source

I hope all those who didn't vote for Kerry for any of the many inane reasons but didn't like Bush are happy with themselves.

If they committed murders in Iraq and Iraq can't prosecute then I guess that means they're home free. We can't prosecute them, or can we?

Or can we, indeed?

http://talkingpointsmemo.com/news/2007/11/blackwater_lawsuit_says_order.php



Doesn't look rosy for Blackwater USA at the moment.

Cycloptichorn