georgeob1 wrote:You use words carelessly and sometimes incorrectly. Your use of the word sycophancy, as you just explained it, was incorrect. "Expansionism" is properly taken to mean an expansion of the territory one rules over the long term. It does little good for meaningful discourse to, after the fact say you meant it in a different way.
I did NOT say i meant them a different way. You state in stark terms what is right and wrong about subjective matters. I corrected your interpretation of what I said. I did not change my use of the words.
I did not use sycophancy incorrectly. I consider your admonition to dissenting opinion to be a request for servility. Despite your claims that you only have a qualm with certain dissent.
You are most certainly not the final authority on words, not even the most famed lexicons can make that claim and this is a silly attempt at reducing this to a logomachy.
Expantionism to me means the desire to expand a nation's sphere of influence. Be it acheived through territorial conquest or by other means. I do not accept your silly definition of expantionism as meaning only territorial gain any more so than I expect the term "expand your mind" to denote physical change.
In any case the words I have selected in this case do not change the substance of the argument. To avoid this ploy I will reprase them.
Forget sycophancy. It was a description of you and as no meaning to the argument except in eliciting the responses you have already given.
As to expantionism replace that with "the ideals set for in the 'New American Century'".
Now take the argument on it's merit and don't expect a dictionary to make you right unless the argument is a logomachy.
georgeob1 wrote:An act is legal or illegal based on its own merits, and not on whether there is disagreement about them. You say that the French action in Ivory Coast was legal because there "was no controversy". That is palpably false. In a similar way the existence of controversy does not make our act illegal.
Here you make a valid point. There is no stated law against military action without UN approval.
But i did not say the lack of controversy was the sole reason for the legitimacy of said action.
The lack of ontroversy is due to the fact that many consder it a reactionary military intervention and it was not pre-emptive in any way.
I consider the action there to be justified because the need was obvious.
In Iraq the need was not obvious to the majority. So much s that it was not possible to sell udner the need for security and hence was considered a breach of sovereignty by most.
That would be the illegal factor. A breach of sovereignty is acceptable in conditions that did not exist in Iraq and the case made for the need was not won.
I still thinkyou have a good point here but I'll let you find it on your own (since you are sharp enough for me to be sure you will).
georgeob1 wrote:
I note that you no longer claim to speak for all the nations in the world. Instead you now claim to speak for all the people in the world.
I note that you are full of it and I never claimed either despite your rhetorical ploy.
I have never claimed to speak for the world here. This is something you tack on to my arguments to avoid debating them on their merits. You tried the dumb trick and I call you on it. I did not say that.
georgeob1 wrote:You also imply that those nations which opposed us did so for "pure" reasons while those which supported us did so for lesser reasons. On what basis do you make that claim?
I do not think the motivation for supporting or rejecting the war can be characterized as pure or not. In fact I gave enough in way of a caveat by stating the arguments of your side as well. If I was unclear let me restate.
I do not think the desire to go to war was based on evil intent. Nor do I find it entirely straightforward.
I do not think the opposition to the war was devoid of financial and strategic concerns. Nor do I think they were soley based on said concerns.
In short I did not and do not draw the world in black and white, that is something I have consistently rejected in political discussion.
I said that there was enormous pressure to support the war in the form of carrots and sticks. This is true (one pre-emptive example, Turkey's package).
There was also substantial (and in my opinion just as unsavory) pressure to oppose the war (example: this would be France dangling the E.U. carrot).
There are also two lines of thought about the nations whose support for the war was ambiguous. Thee is that of my lien of thinking that says they resisted till it was inevitable and then made sure they were on the winning side. There is the other very valid argument that many nations supported the war in secret but had to controll their street.
I suspect a mix of both.
Again, I do not characterize the pro and con as evil and pure. I have steadfastly rejected such simple thinking in the pst and continue to do so.
georgeob1 wrote:We both agree that Kofi Anan chose his words very carefully. Bottom line is that he did not - for whatever reason - accuse us of violating the UN Charter. Yes there was some deliberately crafted ambiguity in resolution 1441 - and ambiguity cuts both ways.
Another good point. To be pendantic Kofi spoke before it started and phrased it in hypothetical and ambiguous terms.
Yes, ambiguity does cut both ways. And in the middle of this ambiguity is the question of whether it was legal or not.
I am willing to concede that there is no interpretive body and where ambiguity exists differing interpretation will not be solved by a final word. As there is none.
The legitimacy in the minds of the peoples of the world is something I made quite a windy poit about.
Do you think the world, in its majority, thinks the war was justified legally and ethically?
Feel free to answer that without worrying that i'll accuse you of speaking for the world. :-)
georgeob1 wrote:Decades from now historians will begin to analyze these events and, armed with a knowledge of how events in the Gulf, the Mideast and in Korea played out, begin to make judgements about them. The complex of factors which pedantic historians deal with after the fact are essentially the same ones political leaders must estimate while the action is going on - and without all the information needed to deduce perfect solutions. That was my point.
It's the same point you tried to make earlier. I still disagree with it. Historians disagree all the time and i do not think that time will lend a final word to this anymore than I think time will change what you think about this (this is based on the assumption that nothing drastic and negative will result from this).
Any chance of getting past the logomachy and the "let's see in decades"?
This is both fun and interesting and I'd hate to stall on a logomachy and I really don;t want to wait a few decades either. :-)