timberlandko wrote:I submit that is hyperboble ... of course any nation CAN, yet very, very few will do so. Most nations, like most folks, are more prone to peace than war, and few folks or nations endorse or participate in terrorism.
That ma well have been the only time I have heard a statement called both factual and hyperbolic but I do notice a valid point.
I will make my statement more relevant in a tad. But first, most nations, though peaceful have had in their recent past happenstances that in my opinion would pass for an alledged terrorist connection to some.
My poin was not to draw attention to the obvious ability and possibility but rather the helplessness of nations to avoid allegations when they people start tossing them around fecklessly.
Noble causes are often bismirched in the politial arena. A more relevant statement on my part would ahve been to draw attention to situations in which security was not the concern, but rather political gain.
Case in point: Cuba has been lying low. Many believe Castro is ready to deal with the US and trying to avoid their bad side. While this is a subjective argument a convincing casecan be made that Cuba does not currently seek strife with the United States and that it does not pose a threat to the United States.
Yet when Carter decided to blunder over there in his campaign to have the Nobel prize renamed the Carter Prize this spurious allegation was made. The administration's political bucket of water on Carter's silly trip was to hint at Cuba's capabilities for terrorism. This, at the height of America's paranoia, was not substantiated then or afterwards and it was a hardly disguised political maneuver. I will expound on this belo.
timberlandko wrote:
I submit that if extreme sanction becomes the normative, consistent manner of dealing with Terrorism (defined as the indiscriminate infliction of harm upon otherwise uninvolved civilians or civil infrastructure, with or without political subtext), the practice of Terrorism will fall from favor as no longer affording a suitable cost-benefit ratio.
Your optimism is admirable. And possible. I consider it unlikey due to the complexities of the issues the notion encompasses.
For a quick example I refer to your frequently given definition of terrorism. By that definition a Palestinian suicide bombing on a military outpost in the territories would not be terrorism (not against civilians, targets military, targets ones involved in violent conflict..).
I think many would say such a scenario IS terrorism.
This is a simple example of the complexities and concerns involved. A more relevant, and perhaps more subtle, point would be to draw attention to the fact that while seeking support for the war, Israel was pressured into easing up on their perceived war on terror to accomodate an attempt to gain Arab support for a plan to oust a man who could potentially aid a terrorist attack.
Furthermore some contend that a resolution to the conflict in the mid east should be a more pressing concern as far as the reduction of terrorism and the stabalization of the region go.
Good chances were missed to do exactly that, though I still believe Bush will make an effort to meet his own deadlines in the mideast.
I suggest that the priorities are wrong. If
stabalization and the reduction of the statistical probability of terrorism is one's goal it seems likely that the excuse that pitiful extremists use to validate their rage would be a more pressing concern. Saddam himself wuld have had to find some new speeches.
timberlandko wrote:
The primary aim of Terrorism is to disrupt civil proceedings and instiitutions, primarily in the prosecution of repressive, fundamentalist agendas.
And in the overwhelming majority of the occurences such a goal is not even broached. Rendering the statistical likelyhood of such a "threat" to be minimal and anecdotal.
timberlandko wrote:
Fair enough ... Statistical proof is of course unavailable. In faqct, I imagine stability in the region will suffer somewhat short term, but I believe a significant US presence in the region MAY. if properly implemented, serve to reduce tensions and foster the notion of non-repressive representative government and responsible fiscal policy throughout the region mid-to-long term. This does depend on dealing honorably with the People of Iraq, and upon the implementation of The Roadmap, and that the US be seen to be committed to the entire process.
I admit that will be the tricky part, but I believe those to be the US intentions, and I believe they will be followed through. Many don't share that view, and I admit they have considerable historic precedent to support their skepticism.
I do trust that that, barring the unforseen, will happen. America will probably be much more committed to Iraq's restructure than it was in Afghanistan. It's simply wise to do so. In Iraq America's sense of responsibility will be much greater and there will be sufficient motivation for America to do a good job.
My concerns are not short term but rather long term. A theme I sense from you is that 9/11 meant new paradigms. I dispute this. The only thing new about this is the lengths that some are willing to go draw political capital toward their objectives. By this I do not mean to question the nobility to seek to end terror's utility but rather the depths of intelectual leeway that are now tolerable. It did not take long for the attepted tie in of Iraq to 9/11 to commence. This was as unsubstantiated as it was belived at the time. Naivete was at a high when this case was introduced and though no substantiation was ever made this continues to be widely belived. The Anthrax attacks were used o gain some political capital for this war as well. while the connection is possible, once again, no substantiation was offered and yet it was widely belived. A pattern emerged in which a specter is rased, no probable cause shown, and each specter helps form a series of unsubstantiated allegations.
My inordinate insistence on statistical evidence in geopolitics, a field in which statistical evidence is faulty due to the innumerable influencing factors, was unfair but pointed for a reason. The case for this war was made in a way that insults one's intellectual curiosity. The decreased interest in validation of threat accessment is understandable. After all, "better safe than sorry" but anecdotal campaigns, though prevalent in political history, do not suit a plan to creativeky interpret self-defence.
You have stated in a pridian encounter that this war was poorly prosected. That the campaign was unecessarily devisive. I agree. This war included a fantastic propaganda effort domestically to ensure that if the vigourous international effort failed the domestic political capital would grant the mandate to set some influential precedents.
The precedents I speak of are preepmtion with no effort made to flesh out the specter being preempted. The boogyman of a mushroom cloud was enough to make the less curious domestic observer sign the blank sheet of paper while the international crowd was thrown mere bones to pick at.
I have held that since this idea was tossed to the public that my support for the war was contingient on the ability of the US to market it to the world. I did not care if the motivating factors were false as long as long as the proverbial wool could be pulled and the UN's sanction wrangled.
I did not believe that the world was ready to part with their definitions of self-defence and when this was validated emphatically the existence of the UN was threatened directly. I can give you direct quotes from the less hawkish members of the anministration pointedly saying that the UN must act (strong implication of "act in accord") on this or be irrelevant.
This assault on the UN is spurious. Our inability to make the case for a ground breaking war consoled itself in the ability to weild power to threaten decreased cooperation with those who were not convinced by our case.
My call for statistical proof is addmittedly unfair. But in light of the willingness to prosecute a war campaign with a minimal concern for factual support precipitated this. I have heard "the sky is falling" many a time in this campaign, I have been shown the promised land of a new more peaceful world. I have seen little effort to assuage my concerns that the trickiest of war scenarios (preemption, replacement of unfavorable regimes) is being marketed on anecdotal sound bytes. It might not be fair of me to place the statistical burden on you but I hold that a shoddy effort at campaigning for this war is more dangerous than anything but the most apocalyptic scenarios.
Reality in politics is what you are able to make others believe. This campaign was successful domestically, but on the stage where it will have the most effect, internationally, this effort was unsuccessful.
timberlandko wrote:
And I submit that a flaw in that argument exists in that Terrorism is not subject to an arbitrary definition. Further, I submit that Terrorism is unconcerned with borders or soveriegnity, and it must be denied sanctuary on accord of geopolitical considerations. Terrorism respects no border; it must not be granted the shelter of any border.
Agreed, and I would like to see the sanctity of borders and soveriegnity taken seriously and an effort made to make the case before they are trampled. As of yet there has not been a case made that this war is doing the noble acts you mention.
timberlandko wrote:
I submit that there are new social, commercial, and political considerations which existing international law and institutions are ill equipped to address. I do not hold The US, or US Interes,t should be either the arbiter or wielder of justice. I submit that a better system is neede, and that such a system, while implied by the UN, does not in fact exist.
I agree, but hold dear to me the notion that modification of said structure and laws be made with a quorum, not individually. The UN has made efforts to increase its relevance in this arena. The WCC is the type of tool that, with others of the ilk, could have made the UN into a more effetive organization. Any effort made to consolidate natios behind an ideal is hampered by the USA's undermining of what it views as a equalizing threat. Justice is by its nature equal, equality is by it's nature unfavorable to those with disproportionate power. Iraq was not an urgent scenario. The impatience with the UN is not because the UN was brick walling but because the UN was considered a distraction from the very beginning.
Inspections were called a "dangerous distraction" and the UN was included only because of domestic pressure to do so. Since little import was placed on their cooperation this was done with the implication of, "either way we are going to do this, this is a done deal, care to play along?"
The UN was doomed when hawks decided that superior military rendered their inclusion an unnecessary luxury.
timberlandko wrote:
The threat is Iraqi complicity in Terrorism, wherever, however that complicity is evidenced. I maintain that there is sufficient evidence of such Iraqi complicity in Terrorism to validate the perception of threat. I do bnot ascribe to Iraq alone the Terrorism Problem. It is the part of the problem currently being most visibly addressed.
I have not seen complicity significant enough to justify the urgency. Regime changein Iraq was inevitable. complicity that would have necessitated the abandonment of the containment and woese yet the inspections was not demonstrated.
timberlandko wrote:
Not to my mind ... I maintain the current system requires updating to accomodate the instant-access, always-on world of today, which really is something very, very new, and wholly outside humankind's experience heretofore.
i do not share your notion of a new status quo, I do not share the opinion that updating the system is best addressed through a part with the ideals of lawfulness. Updating a system of this import would suggest a quorum be actively sought, not reluctantly consulted.
timberlandko wrote:
No I don't. I submit merely that Terrorism should be denied the shelter of borders. If a State, as a matter of self-determination, embraces Terrorism, that should be seen as an act of war by that State upon The World Community.
And here the tricky issue of who determines when a state supports terrorism rears its head. WMDs make good sound bytes. A dictator with a mustache begs to be infamous. We differ in that I do see some allegations of complicity in terror being arbitrarily postulated. It matters little what you or I think the world should see as an attack on it's systems. Wha matters is what the world sees as an affront to their systems. I suggest that if the world sees this war as more of a threat than the lack of one represents and when the neighbours of a nation that is suppsedly a threat do not share the concerns that the supporting ;logic for the war merits intense scrutiny.
timberlandko wrote:
I submit that I pose no arbitrary definition of Terrorism. I submit that laws must be devised to deal effectively with the stateless nature of Terrorism.
Do you also posit that said laws be updated by avoiding the quorum? Do you posit that this war made those changes any more probable? I am uncomfortable with the notion of law being written though war and the disregard for the opinions of those who will be subject to said law.
Again, law is by its nature, collective morality. Individual morality is lawlessness when it contradicts the collectively defined morallity.
timberlandko wrote:
I don't see that I offer such an idea at all.
Yay! Now I get to play satirist.
I have a neighbour who is Christian. Being an atheist his incessant ramblings of me burning in hell for my desire to live a life he considers immoral are bothersome. I pose that his ideology is threatening because he prays that his god will punish me and teaches his children to avoid me (thus instilling hatred in them).
Once a travelling bum set fire to my garage and killed my cat. I could have died in this attack yet my neighbor cheered. I think my neighbor should die
He is notoriously unstable, once he tried to copulate with a poodle and had to be beaten till he could be removed from the poodle. He is now in a wheelchair and confined to his bedroom by the police.
They do not allow himaccess toi sharp objects and he is not allowed near me. Yet I feel threatened. He might form an alliance with the pyromaniac bum and seek to cause me harm.
The police do not agree, they think they have contained the man and tell me that if I think otherwise I should use the court as the appropriate venue.
Now the court is deliberately obtuse, the bastards neglect to consider my safety at all and are only willing toi grant a restraining order instead of the capital punishment I sought.
There are times when my survival dictates that I must act alone. In times of pending doom I must take a stand and lead. The neighborhood will be a better place if this unstable man is neutralized.
I have an old cannon in my garage, I think I can take the bastard out with a minimum of collateral damage. I will free his scions and adopt them. I will prevail.
I undseratand that some persons have cautioned that my self defense is not wise. I am forced to ignore them. If they can't provide my security they are irrelevant. I reject their notion that the burden of proof rests with me. The garage attack changed everything. They should prove to me that my neighbor is not a threat.
timberlandko wrote:
I submit that had the UN performed its design function, the current situation would not pertain. I do not exclude the US from blame in the matter, but I hold other parties equally responsible for the failure as well. It took a lot of screwing up to get things this bad.
Here we disagree, I think the UN is blameless. A resolution was deemed a luxury not worth waiting for.
timberlandko wrote:
The indiscriminate infliction of harm on otherwise uninvolved civilians or civilian infrastructure is illegal, unethical, and immoral. Its ascendence is evidence of the need to devise new methods for addressing the outrage.
If uninvolved persons are targeted to address these concerns I posit that a dangerous paradox is born. If the goal starts to make the means unquestionable I posit that this is regression.
timberlandko wrote:
Quote:You have advocated the dismissal of law and borders when one entity detremines that it is to their interest. This goes against what law represents and can be construed as an advocation of impulsive lawlessness.
And I submit I have advocated no such notion.
I posit that if law is collective morality defining new ones without the quorum is lawlessness.
timberlandko wrote:Quote:I find it ironic that this is done under the hyperbolic banner of saving civilization.
again, I do not see such an assessment validated by any of my assertions.
I posit that this is mighty close:
timberlandko wrote:...On this venture hangs the future of civilization...
timberlandko wrote:
Nonsense. Civilization is threatened by Terrorism, not a political or religious ideology, and must address the matter.
Civilization is threatened by any deviance from the determined manner in which conflict is to be resolved. Civilization is threatened when civility is less likely to be employed than agression.
timberlandko wrote:
I submit that a request for a statistical projection is purposeless. I submit that I have made my argument. A new threat has appeared, and new mechanisms must be devised to deal with that threat.
Agreed, but if statistical is unfair aI posit that a mere effort to illustrate how the generalized threat pertains to the justification of a particular case of unprovoked agression is withing reason.
timberlandko wrote:I don't anticipate "Changing your mind", and I doubt you harbor any such expectation regarding your influence over my conclusions and opinions. I respect your view, and the manner in which you develop and express it. I find far more basis for agreement between us than disagreement, and attribute much of such disagreement as may exist more to mutual misunderstanding, or perhaps to communicating to cross purposes, than to opposing ideology.
Don't be too sure, the person whom I have most learned from is one whose ideology I fiercely oppose. My brother Lusatian's positions are not dissimilar to yours and our heated debates have cause much introspection and reevaluation of our positions. Often we switch sides throughout a 6 hour debate several times. Many a sleepless and enlightening night i tell ya. I can't wait until he and I can cross swords again with regularity.
I also suggest that our ideology might be similar but our priorities and perspective vastly different.