WMD critique of the USA and UK and Oz "niggling"? - dear goddess almighty.
I see why there will never be any point to these conversations with such hyper nationalists.
Agreed. <shudder>
Some people can't see the forest for the trees.
Cycloptichorn
dlowan wrote:WMD critique of the USA and UK and Oz "niggling"? - dear goddess almighty.
I see why there will never be any point to these conversations with such hyper nationalists.
Why is it that when people like you use the term "nationalist" you make it sound like a dirty word? Is there anything wrong with being nationalistic? I don't know how someone who has the freedoms we have here in the US or any other free nation wouldn't be nationalistic. It would seem that if you don't love your country then you should maybe find one that you do love and live there. I'm not saying love it or leave it, but I am saying show some pride in the nation that allows you to do just about anything you want as long as you don't effect others.
Let's say I'm quite proud of my son/brother/relative. I've watched him grow up, I love him, yadda yadda.
And then my son/whatever starts doing a whole sh*t ton of things that I'm not proud of; or maybe I just start finding out about it more, it's hard to tell. Even though you care, it's hard to be proud of that.
And you would try to help if you could, for both their sake and yours.
Cycloptichorn
Cycloptichorn wrote:Let's say I'm quite proud of my son/brother/relative. I've watched him grow up, I love him, yadda yadda.
And then my son/whatever starts doing a whole sh*t ton of things that I'm not proud of; or maybe I just start finding out about it more, it's hard to tell. Even though you care, it's hard to be proud of that.
And you would try to help if you could, for both their sake and yours.
Cycloptichorn
As I even heard Bob Costas say during the Olympics (the time he chose wasn't the right time but he did say it) "Listen to the applause, these people love the US and can tell the difference between the country and the policy." Now I know that isn't the exact wording he used but it is close enough. You can always love the country/child/person, but you don't have to love what they do.
It is one thing to say you hate the people who are running your country vs. saying you hate the country. I know I didn't like much of what Clinton did, but it never once colored how I felt about my country. It reminds me of my son, my wife and I will punish him for something stupid he did and he will shout how he hates us. Well the truth is, he isn't mature enough or old enough to proclaim how he hates what we are doing, instead he hates us for it. It is the same with people in this country as well as others. I could careless who runs the US, you will never catch me saying I hate the US. People need to grow up and learn the difference.
Baldimo wrote:dlowan wrote:WMD critique of the USA and UK and Oz "niggling"? - dear goddess almighty.
I see why there will never be any point to these conversations with such hyper nationalists.
Why is it that when people like you use the term "nationalist" you make it sound like a dirty word? Is there anything wrong with being nationalistic? I don't know how someone who has the freedoms we have here in the US or any other free nation wouldn't be nationalistic. It would seem that if you don't love your country then you should maybe find one that you do love and live there. I'm not saying love it or leave it, but I am saying show some pride in the nation that allows you to do just about anything you want as long as you don't effect others.
Yeah - I pretty much think nationalism is an atavistic, anachronistic and past its use-by date thing. I have discussed this at length elsewhere, so I won't do the weary round again. You might try looking up the definition before you complain, too.
But I actually said hyper-nationalistic - which is what a number of you people appear to be - ie America can do no wrong, and when it does it isn't really wrong - and if anyone says anything about it they are shrill, hypocritical and full of hate or whatever the insult/s du jour are.
PS -- who says (except, wearisomely, some of you) that any of us hate America/Americans?
I occasionally get too cross, or lazy, and moan in a generalised way about Americans - (and Australians and brits etc) but generally I have found you guys to be like anyone else - with the addition of theodd endearing or annoying national characteristic - fantastic people, medium people, and shits. Just like Australians or any other country.
I find your foreign policy (I don't know too much about domestic stuff, except that a lot of you seem to hate each other) appalling at times - especially mixed with your leader's (and, it seems, their adherent's) tendency to appear to see you guys as god's answer to the world - but I have no problem generally with you guys.
You are fantasising defensively when you think that.
Edit: There are, from time to time, posters here who really DO seem to hate America, to be fair.
Strikes me as a particularly brainless thing to do - fancy that you hate a country. Just like the ranting against Europe, or Muslims, or France, or whatever.
Generally though, I think the rhetoric ramps up to make it seem that way sometimes, when arguments like this get going, and each side puts its point of view more and more forcefully and angrily.
Hey - maybe some of you guys are far more reasonable in your relationship with your own country than you appear to be, even!
Blatham.
Your comments above rather perfectly illustrate my point about the criticisms of U.S. policy. Nowhere did you address the central thread of my argument. All you offered was niggling criticisms of non-essential detail, demands for proof of well-reported recent events, and crude attempts to discredit me and my intent in the post. All things considered, a quite remarkable parallelism.
To illustrate another element -- you earlier offered the opinion that relations between our governments were very good during the Clinton Cretein era and earlier during Bush sr's term. No proof was offered, or demanded by me. I suggested your assessment was an exaggeration, also without proof. Now you demand proof of the basis for my skepticism of an opinion you offered without substantiation.
Nice shot about Caine Mutiny - I was six when the book was published in 1949. Besides I am taller & better looking than Bogart, I don't have a lisp, and I didn't tolerate any **** from Lieutenants. I think my basic point there is both relevant and insightful. It is a pity you didn't respond to it at all.
As to the California bit, I was expressing an indifference towards Canada that was quite mild compared to what you now assert they feel towards us. OK by me.
I am disappointed that you feel compelled to deny the evident hypocrisy in the beef exports matter. I thought that a rather devastating point, and I am still pleased with it.
I have been rather pointed in this (as have you). My intent was more to provoke than offend. You are a good guy (for a Canadian), and no matter what you say here, I still like you.
It is one thing to love one's country for the good it has to offer, and criticise it for its flaws. Nationalism begins at patriotism and ends in Fascism. It starts with taking pride in your country's positive attributes. It goes to the dark side when in the name of pride in one's country, its increasingly dubious acts gets justified, ignored, or worse heralded as necessities.
It is appalling when otherwise rational people start to turn a blind eye into terrible things that are happenings under the name of their country like illegal systematic POW abuse (the atrocities of the other side does NOT justify it), false or faulty pretenses for illegally invading a sovereign country (unilaterally defining the pretext and lawfulness does NOT justify it).
Americans display pride in being a nation of laws; We have laws so random people don't start interpretting behavior based on their comfort. Look up the anti-torture law instead of self-proclaiming a definition suitable to your delicate sensibilities, or justify reprehensible actions by comparing it to also criminal and incomparable slaughter of the kidnapped westerners.
Americans should take pride in standing up for US laws (such as Convention Against Torture, and yes it is US law, and you can look up my previous link for the source), and take authorities to task if their government starts writing memos to circumvent them, downplays the extent of the problem, and rushes to aquit the guilty and scapegoat the lower-ranks.
To take pride of one's country is to be indignant about these things, as it is prudent to be outraged at soldiers representing United Nations rape children under their safekeeping.
Baldimo wrote:Why is it that when people like you use the term "nationalist" you make it sound like a dirty word? Is there anything wrong with being nationalistic?
Some take lessons from history and answer "yes".
Others see it different.
Walter Hinteler wrote:Baldimo wrote:Why is it that when people like you use the term "nationalist" you make it sound like a dirty word? Is there anything wrong with being nationalistic?
Some take lessons from history and answer "yes".
Others see it different.
From what I have been able to gather you are from Germany am I correct? If that is so then I have talked to many Germans on the Internet who wouldn't fall under the term nationalistic. It seems to be down played there in a way that makes it seem like a dirty word or even a dirty thought. I don't know what it is with Germans, but it seems that none of you want to repeat the past and therefore down play any type of national pride. I happen to think that is sad. If you can't have a pride in your own country, then what is left to have pride in, the UN? If that is so, that makes it even sadder to have faith in a powerless institution. After all if the UN can't do anything of any real significance then what is the point?
Rift Between US Government and US Special Forces
Rumsfeld orders "British" torture for Afghan prisoners of war
Copyright Joe Vialls, 19 January 2002
May be reproduced unedited in the public interest
(* Picture not reproduced on transfer ""Torturing John Walker
Rumsfeld Torturing Hooded Afghan)
Did you ever wonder who provided you with the startling video of American John Walker being tortured by CIA operative Mike Spann, or those sickening pictures of hooded, chained, and drugged prisoners being herded onto American military aircraft at Kandahar Airport? Extraordinary though it may seem, these and other horrific images were deliberately leaked to you by members of US Special Forces, who had direct control of the areas where the images were produced. Considerably concerned by the actions of local CIA operatives, and certain illegal orders from Washington, members of Special Forces responded by leaking highly sensitive information to the public.
Do not misunderstand me. American and other western Special Forces are not a crowd of harp-playing angels determined to protect the "human rights" of any old Tom, Dick or Harry. Most members of Special Forces are seriously heavy duty soldiers who go about their business loaded for bear, and God help anyone who gets in their way. Nor are Special Forces averse to knocking captured members of the enemy around on the battlefield, if they believe that the enemy in question has tactical information that might reduce risks to their own unit. Many years ago I was stupid enough to volunteer for a "practice interrogation" at the hands of these folk; a mistake I remember vividly to this day because the details are etched in my memory.
The main point to note is that although painful, my "practice interrogation" was swift and soon over. In a tactical battlefield situation, a soldier or airman is only reckoned to have information relevant for about 48 hours after capture, because grass roots military folk are never privy to long term strategic planning. Thus if a battlefield prisoner hasn't spilled the beans inside 48 hours, chances are there are no useful beans left to spill. At that stage, Special Forces and other military units ship the captured enemy off to a normal prisoner-of-war facility. Put simply, soldiers are not "into" extended sensory deprivation, and other obscene forms of torture favored by psychiatrists and psychologists working for most of the intelligence agencies and security services. Details of this torture and its effects will be provided later in the report, but first we need to examine the ways in which the American military in faraway Afghanistan, alerted the American public at home by using members of the media as unwitting tools.
Early on in the "War on Terror", four hundred Taliban prisoners were transported by warlords to a fort outside Mazar-e Sharif in northern Afghanistan. The only cameras and long-range shotgun microphones present were in the hands of US Special Forces, who used them to film and catch the sound of CIA operative Mike Spann torturing "American Taliban" John Walker. Not long after that, someone chucked the so-called Taliban a few grenades which they used to stage a revolt against their captors, who at that time were gleefully pouring oil on the Taliban prisoners and lighting it with matches. A little later, the CIA's Mike Spann was reportedly beaten to death, and the survivors of the revolt were shipped off to another prison camp.
Under normal circumstances the footage and sound captured by Special Forces would be considered as top secret material, for Pentagon eyes only, especially as this footage showed the CIA torturing a prisoner. But these were not normal circumstances. A member of the CIA was torturing an American citizen in the presence of "allied" warlords, the latter directly responsible for supplying seventy percent of America's heroin until 1995 (UN Estimate). So instead of sending the footage off in a diplomatic pouch to the Pentagon, Special Forces "lost it" in the immediate vicinity of the Kabul media pack. If action had not been taken when it was, there is a high probability John Walker would not have survived his "interrogation" by Mike Spann, and without the critical video footage you would never have known Walker ever existed
washingtonpost.com
Memo Offered Justification for Use of Torture
Justice Dept. Gave Advice in 2002
By Dana Priest and R. Jeffrey Smith
Washington Post Staff Writers
Tuesday, June 8, 2004; Page A01
In August 2002, the Justice Department advised the White House that torturing al Qaeda terrorists in captivity abroad "may be justified," and that international laws against torture "may be unconstitutional if applied to interrogations" conducted in President Bush's war on terrorism, according to a newly obtained memo.
If a government employee were to torture a suspect in captivity, "he would be doing so in order to prevent further attacks on the United States by the Al Qaeda terrorist network," said the memo, from the Justice Department's office of legal counsel, written in response to a CIA request for legal guidance. It added that arguments centering on "necessity and self-defense could provide justifications that would eliminate any criminal liability" later.
The memo seems to counter the pre-Sept. 11, 2001, assumption that U.S. government personnel would never be permitted to torture captives. It was offered after the CIA began detaining and interrogating suspected al Qaeda leaders in Afghanistan and elsewhere in the wake of the attacks, according to government officials familiar with the document.
The legal reasoning in the 2002 memo, which covered treatment of al Qaeda detainees in CIA custody, was later used in a March 2003 report by Pentagon lawyers assessing interrogation rules governing the Defense Department's detention center at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. At that time, Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld had asked the lawyers to examine the logistical, policy and legal issues associated with interrogation techniques.
Bush administration officials say flatly that, despite the discussion of legal issues in the two memos, it has abided by international conventions barring torture, and that detainees at Guantanamo and elsewhere have been treated humanely, except in the cases of abuse at Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq for which seven military police soldiers have been charged.
Still, the 2002 and 2003 memos reflect the Bush administration's desire to explore the limits on how far it could legally go in aggressively interrogating foreigners suspected of terrorism or of having information that could thwart future attacks.
In the 2002 memo, written for the CIA and addressed to White House Counsel Alberto R. Gonzales, the Justice Department defined torture in a much narrower way, for example, than does the U.S. Army, which has historically carried out most wartime interrogations.
In the Justice Department's view -- contained in a 50-page document signed by Assistant Attorney General Jay S. Bybee and obtained by The Washington Post -- inflicting moderate or fleeting pain does not necessarily constitute torture. Torture, the memo says, "must be equivalent in intensity to the pain accompanying serious physical injury, such as organ failure, impairment of bodily function, or even death."
By contrast, the Army's Field Manual 34-52, titled "Intelligence Interrogations," sets more restrictive rules. For example, the Army prohibits pain induced by chemicals or bondage; forcing an individual to stand, sit or kneel in abnormal positions for prolonged periods of time; and food deprivation. Under mental torture, the Army prohibits mock executions, sleep deprivation and chemically induced psychosis.
Human rights groups expressed dismay at the Justice Department's legal reasoning yesterday.
"It is by leaps and bounds the worst thing I've seen since this whole Abu Ghraib scandal broke," said Tom Malinowski of Human Rights Watch. "It appears that what they were contemplating was the commission of war crimes and looking for ways to avoid legal accountability. The effect is to throw out years of military doctrine and standards on interrogations."
But a spokesman for the White House counsel's office said, "The president directed the military to treat al Qaeda and Taliban humanely and consistent with the Geneva Conventions."
Mark Corallo, the Justice Department's chief spokesman, said "the department does not comment on specific legal advice it has provided confidentially within the executive branch." But he added: "It is the policy of the United States to comply with all U.S. laws in the treatment of detainees -- including the Constitution, federal statutes and treaties." The CIA declined to comment.
The Justice Department's interpretation for the CIA sought to provide guidance on what sorts of aggressive treatments might not fall within the legal definition of torture.
The 2002 memo, for example, included the interpretation that "it is difficult to take a specific act out of context and conclude that the act in isolation would constitute torture." The memo named seven techniques that courts have considered torture, including severe beatings with truncheons and clubs, threats of imminent death, burning with cigarettes, electric shocks to genitalia, rape or sexual assault, and forcing a prisoner to watch the torture of another person.
"While we cannot say with certainty that acts falling short of these seven would not constitute torture," the memo advised, ". . . we believe that interrogation techniques would have to be similar to these in their extreme nature and in the type of harm caused to violate law."
"For purely mental pain or suffering to amount to torture," the memo said, "it must result in significant psychological harm of significant duration, e.g., lasting for months or even years." Examples include the development of mental disorders, drug-induced dementia, "post traumatic stress disorder which can last months or even years, or even chronic depression."
Of mental torture, however, an interrogator could show he acted in good faith by "taking such steps as surveying professional literature, consulting with experts or reviewing evidence gained in past experience" to show he or she did not intend to cause severe mental pain and that the conduct, therefore, "would not amount to the acts prohibited by the statute."
In 2003, the Defense Department conducted its own review of the limits that govern torture, in consultation with experts at the Justice Department and other agencies. The aim of the March 6, 2003, review, conducted by a working group that included representatives of the military services, the Joint Chiefs of Staff and the intelligence community, was to provide a legal basis for what the group's report called "exceptional interrogations."
Much of the reasoning in the group's report and in the Justice Department's 2002 memo overlap. The documents, which address treatment of al Qaeda and Taliban detainees, were not written to apply to detainees held in Iraq.
In a draft of the working group's report, for example, Pentagon lawyers approvingly cited the Justice Department's 2002 position that domestic and international laws prohibiting torture could be trumped by the president's wartime authority and any directives he issued.
At the time, the Justice Department's legal analysis, however, shocked some of the military lawyers who were involved in crafting the new guidelines, said senior defense officials and military lawyers.
"Every flag JAG lodged complaints," said one senior Pentagon official involved in the process, referring to the judge advocate generals who are military lawyers of each service.
"It's really unprecedented. For almost 30 years we've taught the Geneva Convention one way," said a senior military attorney. "Once you start telling people it's okay to break the law, there's no telling where they might stop."
A U.S. law enacted in 1994 bars torture by U.S. military personnel anywhere in the world. But the Pentagon group's report, prepared under the supervision of General Counsel William J. Haynes II, said that "in order to respect the President's inherent constitutional authority to manage a military campaign . . . [the prohibition against torture] must be construed as inapplicable to interrogations undertaken pursuant to his Commander-in-Chief authority."
The Pentagon group's report, divulged yesterday by the Wall Street Journal and obtained by The Post, said further that the 1994 law barring torture "does not apply to the conduct of U.S. personnel" at Guantanamo Bay.
It also said the anti-torture law did apply to U.S. military interrogations that occurred outside U.S. "maritime and territorial jurisdiction," such as in Iraq or Afghanistan. But it said both Congress and the Justice Department would have difficulty enforcing the law if U.S. military personnel could be shown to be acting as a result of presidential orders.
The report then parsed at length the definition of torture under domestic and international law, with an eye toward guiding military personnel about legal defenses.
The Pentagon report uses language very similar to that in the 2002 Justice Department memo written in response to the CIA's request: "If a government defendant were to harm an enemy combatant during an interrogation in a manner that might arguably violate criminal prohibition, he would be doing so in order to prevent further attacks on the United States by the al Qaeda terrorist network," the draft states. "In that case, DOJ [Department of Justice] believes that he could argue that the executive branch's constitutional authority to protect the nation from attack justified his actions."
The draft goes on to assert that a soldier's claim that he was following "superior orders" would be available for those engaged in "exceptional interrogations except where the conduct goes so far as to be patently unlawful." It asserts, as does the Justice view expressed for the CIA, that the mere infliction of pain and suffering is not unlawful; the pain or suffering must be severe.
A Defense Department spokesman said last night that the March 2003 memo represented "a scholarly effort to define the perimeters of the law" but added: "What is legal and what is put into practice is a different story." Pentagon officials said the group examined at least 35 interrogation techniques, and Rumsfeld later approved using 24 of them in a classified directive on April 16, 2003, that governed all activities at Guantanamo Bay. The Pentagon has refused to make public the 24 interrogation procedures.
Staff writer Josh White contributed to this report.
Baldimo wrote:From what I have been able to gather you are from Germany am I correct?
Yes, I never made a secret out of that, and told so from the earliest days here (and before on ABUZZ).
Baldimo wrote: It seems to be down played there in a way that makes it seem like a dirty word or even a dirty thought. I don't know what it is with Germans, but it seems that none of you want to repeat the past and therefore down play any type of national pride. I happen to think that is sad. If you can't have a pride in your own country, then what is left to have pride in, the UN? If that is so, that makes it even sadder to have faith in a powerless institution. After all if the UN can't do anything of any real significance then what is the point?
I don't think it is downplayed - we have a lot too deal with the nationalistic (criminal) right wings.
Certainly none of us should ever want to repeat the past.
Some, however, haven't learnt. (See above.)
I am - like others - pride about German history, its culture, its political and economical system, the government's institutions, the whole enchilada.
And with others, I'm pride of my local and regional history as well as of the European ...
To be pride of something differs, in my opinion as well as in that of others (including the various dictionary and encyclopedia definitions) , a lot from being nationalistic.
At best, it is considered to be in bad taste to claim that one is proud to be a German.
I don't get your reference re the UN - but either France or the UN, it's always good to have something to bash on, I think.
Baldimo wrote: I have a friend who is in Kosovo for the 2nd time and he has told me they are under UN rules. Will they be punished by the UN? I doubt it.
There's a REAL simple solution to the problem of Kosovo: give it back to its rightful owners (Serbia) and find something more useful for the Americans there to be doing.
Walter Hinteler wrote:Baldimo wrote:From what I have been able to gather you are from Germany am I correct?
Yes, I never made a secret out of that, and told so from the earliest days here (and before on ABUZZ).
Baldimo wrote: It seems to be down played there in a way that makes it seem like a dirty word or even a dirty thought. I don't know what it is with Germans, but it seems that none of you want to repeat the past and therefore down play any type of national pride. I happen to think that is sad. If you can't have a pride in your own country, then what is left to have pride in, the UN? If that is so, that makes it even sadder to have faith in a powerless institution. After all if the UN can't do anything of any real significance then what is the point?
I don't think it is downplayed - we have a lot too deal with the nationalistic (criminal) right wings.
Certainly none of us should ever want to repeat the past.
Some, however, haven't learnt. (See above.)
I am - like others - pride about German history, its culture, its political and economical system, the government's institutions, the whole enchilada.
And with others, I'm pride of my local and regional history as well as of the European ...
To be pride of something differs, in my opinion as well as in that of others (including the various dictionary and encyclopedia definitions) , a lot from being nationalistic.
At best, it is considered to be in bad taste to claim that one is proud to be a German.
I don't get your reference re the UN - but either France or the UN, it's always good to have something to bash on, I think.
It is one of their King Charles' heads.
georgeob1 wrote:Blatham.
Your comments above rather perfectly illustrate my point about the criticisms of U.S. policy. Nowhere did you address the central thread of my argument. All you offered was niggling criticisms of non-essential detail, demands for proof of well-reported recent events, and crude attempts to discredit me and my intent in the post. All things considered, a quite remarkable parallelism.
To illustrate another element -- you earlier offered the opinion that relations between our governments were very good during the Clinton Cretein era and earlier during Bush sr's term. No proof was offered, or demanded by me. I suggested your assessment was an exaggeration, also without proof. Now you demand proof of the basis for my skepticism of an opinion you offered without substantiation.
Nice shot about Caine Mutiny - I was six when the book was published in 1949. Besides I am taller & better looking than Bogart, I don't have a lisp, and I didn't tolerate any **** from Lieutenants. I think my basic point there is both relevant and insightful. It is a pity you didn't respond to it at all.
As to the California bit, I was expressing an indifference towards Canada that was quite mild compared to what you now assert they feel towards us. OK by me.
I am disappointed that you feel compelled to deny the evident hypocrisy in the beef exports matter. I thought that a rather devastating point, and I am still pleased with it.
I have been rather pointed in this (as have you). My intent was more to provoke than offend. You are a good guy (for a Canadian), and no matter what you say here, I still like you.
george
My personal affinity for you, which has always remained undiminished, has little reflection in how I consider many of your ideas. On the topics above, I consider you incapable of objective analysis. You are a true believer in American exceptionalism and I suspect that nothing short of catastrophe will move you away from this communal idiocy, if even that. I cannot see much to gain in further discussion. As to the beef dispute, you have two concerned trade/production bodies in the US (beef producers and meat packing) who are on opposing sides as to whether the ban ought to be removed. I will leave it to you to research why that is so.
I will note, for deb and others, on page A7 of NY Times today there is a piece by Raymond Bonner writing from Sydney on the results of polling in Australia (released Monday) which has the following figures:
-only 58% of the Australian population have a positive view of the US
-in contrast, a positive view of France was at 66%
-a positive view of the UN was at 65%
-a positive view of China was at 69%
Results at
www.lowryinstitute.org
Correction for that above link:
it's http://www.lowyinstitute.org/
(I suppose, Lowy has worked different to Lowry :wink: )
Interesting article as well:
To Australians, U.S. World Policy a Threat
And in the interests of balance a word from Murdoch's resident Bush apologist
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Public opinion is putty in academic hands
Greg Sheridan, Foreign editor
29mar05
PUBLIC opinion is a wonderfully plastic commodity. In the hands of academic interpreters it can be bent and shaped to prove almost anything.
The Lowy Institute poll on Australians' attitudes to international issues shows how the narrow sets of views held by foreign policy academics in Australia will inevitably replicate themselves in answers to questions designed by such folk.
In other words, this poll tells us little about public opinion but a great deal about think-tank opinion.
The Lowy Institute, devoted as it is to Australian foreign policy, is a good thing. It's full of conscientious folk doing useful work. Unfortunately, it does not look like it's going to inject any fresh thinking into Australian foreign policy or generate any new voices. Rather it will reinforce the sadly quite narrow range of opinions held among professional academic and quasi-academic foreign policy commentators.
Two conclusions of this survey demonstrate the point. They are that Australians have a deep commitment to international law, and would never support the US militarily to protect Taiwan from China.
You could not find two more perfect expressions of foreign policy orthodoxy. How did the poll produce such results? The answer lies in the questions.
On international law, respondents were asked to choose between these alternatives: "Australia should rely on international law even though decisions may go against us OR Australia should do whatever benefits us the most in any given situation regardless of what international law says."
Not surprisingly, the first alternative gets the majority vote. But what would the answer be to a question phrased: If a group of officials from non-democratic countries with appalling human rights records operating in a UN committee directed Australia to do something the majority of its people thought was wrong, should Australia follow international law even though it involves doing wrong or should it do what it believes is right?
In reality, that is much more how questions of breaching international law would present themselves to Australian opinion.
Even to ask a question about so loaded a concept as international law without giving some idea of what you mean is inherently dishonest.
The pollsters' question on Taiwan is even more loaded. Respondents were asked to agree or disagree with the proposition: "Australia should act in accordance with our security alliance with the US even if it means following them to war with China over the independence of Taiwan."
Not surprisingly, a majority would not sign a blank cheque for a hypothetical war.
A more realistic question would have been: Do you think China is justified in mounting a military invasion of Taiwan, even if it causes tens of thousands dead, in order to reunify it with mainland China?
But the pollsters' question perfectly reflects the orthodox assumptions - the only possible reason Australia would lend support to Taiwan against a Chinese military move would be because of the US alliance. The merits of the case would have nothing to do with it.
In the real world, in all our history, no decision to participate in a military operation has ever involved a debate purely in those terms.
This poll, sadly, is very nearly meaningless. Politicians and other policy makers would pay attention to it at their peril.
© The Australian
http://www.theaustralian.news.com.au/common/story_page/0,5744,12686595%5E2702,00.html