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Tales from the Gulag

 
 
nimh
 
Reply Sat 16 Oct, 2004 04:53 pm
Was responding to a post by O'Bill in this thread - got a little carried away recounting the tales told by Anne Applebaum in her Gulag. A History. Had nothing to do with the topic at hand, so probably better off in this thread of its own ...

----------- <snipping the first bit> -------------

Why is this at all interesting? Because Magadan in the Far East is not just any town. It was the port to the Kolyma, perhaps the Gulag's most notorious concentration of forced labour/death camps, described in Varlam Shalamov's memoirs, Kolyma Tales).

To quote Anne Applebaum's Gulag - A History,

Quote:
In the same way that Auschwitz has become, in popular memory, the camp which symbolizes all other Nazi camps, so too has the word "Kolyma" come to signify the greatest hardships of the Gulag. "Kolyma", wrote one historian, "is a river, a mountain range, a region and a metaphor." Rich in minerals - and above all rich in gold - the vast Kolyma region in the far north-eastern corner of Siberia, on the Pacific coast, may well be the most inhospitable part of Russia. Kolyma is cold [..] - temperatures there regularly fall to more than 49 degrees Fahrenheit below zero in the winter [..] To reach the camps of Kolyma, prisoners travelled by train across the entire length of the USSR - sometimes a three-month journey - to Vladiviostok. They made the rest of the trip by boat, travelling north past Japan, through the Sea of Ochotsk, to the port of Magadan, the gateway to the Kolyma River valley.

When Dalstroi, the huge trust that was to exploit the region's mineral assets through the Gulag prisoners' forced labour, was first set up, it was, typically, out of nothing:

Quote:
the first years were fraught with the same chaos and disorganisation that prevailed elsewhere. By 1932, nearly 10,000 prisoners were at work [..] along with more than 3,000 voluntary "free workers" [..] The high numbers were accompanied by high death rates. Of the 16,000 prisoners who travelled to Kolyma in [the] first year, only 9,928 even reached Magadan alive. The rest were thrown, underclothed and underprotected, into the winter storms: survivors of the first year would later claim that only half of their number had lived.

Yet the first years that followed were still relatively benign. Prisoners got adequate food and warm clothing, three rest days a month, and didnt need to work "when the frost dipped below minus 60 degrees". Exiles still were allowed to keep books and papers, and exile families were not yet split up. (It's from such "favours" that one can tell how bad it was to become later.) It was the prisoners who built Magadan, "which contained 15,000 people by 1936". Applebaum quotes the writer Evgeniya Ginzburg:

Quote:
How strange is the heart of man! My whole soul cursed those who had thought up the idea of building a town in this permafrost, thawing out the ground with the blood and tears of innocent people. Yet at the same time I was aware of a sort of ridiculous pride ... How it had grown, and how handsome had it become during my seven years' absence, our Magadan! Quite unrecognizable. I admired each street lamp, each section of asphalt [..] We treasure each fragment of our life, even the bitterest.

By 1934, some sort of order seemed in place. "Death rates dropped from their high of 1933 as famine across the country receded and camps became better organised." But "the relative calm was not to last. Abruptly, the system was to turn itself inside out, in a revolution that would destroy masters and slaves alike": the Great Terror. It would devour camp bosses as well as inmates, and Magadan's camp boss, Eduard Berzin, was one of the most prominent to fall.

Ordered back to Moscow, "Berzin left Vladivostok as a first-class passenger, [but] arrived a prisoner." Purges swept the Kolyma camps and "by the time it was over, hundreds of people who had been associated with Berzin, from geologists to bureaucrats to engineers, were either dead or had themselves become prisoners".

The camps themselves "once again overflowed with new" prisoners. About another Siberian camp it's noted that "lacking barracks, prisoners built zemlyanki, dugouts in the earth". Death rates doubled within a year and "are presumed to be much higher in those far northern camps - Kolyma, Vorkuta, Norilsk - where political prisoners were sent in large numbers." NKVD orders appeared that "contained execution quotas for Gulag prisoners".

Meanwhile, Dalstroi still attempted to also attract free citizens to such places as Magadan, offering 20 percent higher wages, paid vacations and a generous pension. The propaganda press wrote glowingly of the city's appeal:

Quote:
The sea of lights that is Magadan by night is a most stirring and alluring spectacle. This is a town which is alive and bustling every minute of the day and night. It swarms with people whose lives are regulated by a strict working schedule. Accuracy and promptness begets speed, and speed becomes easy and happy work ...

The reality: "One prisoner recalled having been sent, with a building brigade, 600 kilometres north of Magadan to build a bridge. Once they arrived, they realized that no one in the brigade had ever built a bridge before. One of the prisoners, an engineer, was put in charge of the project, although bridges were not his specialty. The bridge was built. It was also washed away in the first flood."

Officially, working days were extended to 11 hours, in practice many prisoners worked longer. When new camps were established, the prisoners first had to build them:

Quote:
Janusz Sieminski, a Polish prisoner in Kolyma after the war, was also once part of a team that constructed a new lagpunkt "from zero", in the depths of winter. "At night, prisoners slept on the ground. Many died, particularly those who lost the battle to sleep near the fire."

Hunger and cold permeated everything. In 1939, a Kolyma doctor pointed out "that prisoners were being made to eat their food outdoors, and that it froze while it was being eaten." Vladimir Petrov, a prisoner in Kolyma, recalls a period of five days without any food deliveries in his camp: "real famine set in at the mine. Five thousand men did not have a piece of bread." In winter, it was so cold that "touching a metal tool with a bare hand could tear off the skin"; in summer, "the surface of the tundra turns to mud [..] and mosquitos appear to travel in gray clouds":

Quote:
as you were eating your soup, the mosquitos would fill up the bowl like buckwheat porridge. They filled up your eyes, your nose and throat, and the taste of them was sweet, like blood. The more you moved and waved them away, the more they attacked.

Worst of all was Dalstroi's punishment camp, Serpantinnaya, "located on the northern slope of the hills just above Magadan." A sentence there was equated with a sentence to death, and little is known about it because so few survived to tell the story. One survivor

Quote:
described the barracks as so overcrowded that prisoners took turns sitting on the floor while everyone else remained standing. In the mornings, the door would open and the names of ten or twelve prisoners would be called. No one would answer. The first people that came to hand were then dragged out and shot.

Meanwhile, Berzins successor, Ivan Nikishov, lived in luxury, having equipped himself "with a large personal security force, luxury automobiles, sweeping offices and a magnificent dacha overlooking the Pacific Ocean", the latter equipped with oriental carpets and crystal chandeliers. Yet many of the ordinary guards were simply opting for the only available opportunity to earn a little more, secure a little better pension - or had been sent to the camps themselves on strict orders, without having been told where their next job would be.

Reading Applebaum's book, I get the sense that Dalstroi, with its own "inmate troupe", which performed in Magadan, "benefiting from the many well-known singers and dancers incarcerated in Kolyma", became an odd mix between the Holocaust and the Frontier, a concentration of death and cruelty and at the same time the place where the desperate and adventurous went to carve out a new life. No wonder that your friend, if it was indeed this Magadan she had lived in, demonstrated this contradictory mix of "objection to Soviet rule" and "Soviet pride" - she would not be the only one.

... This post with thanks to Anne Applebaum's astounding book, which I am now halfway in reading ...
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OCCOM BILL
 
  1  
Reply Sat 16 Oct, 2004 05:13 pm
OMG Nimh, you've astounded me again. I should be getting used to it by now. I'd lay money on it that is precisely where she grew up... and the town you are describing was a rare treat to visit from the miniature town that is built around the mine her father worked in. The cold, the increase in pay and pension, vacation time all rings bells. Almost verbatim. Her father's workweek she described as 7, 16 hr days, 9 months out of the year... but they spent the other 3 months on vacation on a sea somewhere. They had an old car and a halfway decent house (nothing like here of course) and she said that put them as very well off compared to most. She told me that you learn to not even mind when your face freezes along with your toes within minutes of stepping outside. She didn't often talk about this part of her life and perhaps some of the hardships and community suffering you describe explain why.

It would also explain the mental toughness it must take to start from a tiny town in the middle of nowhere with virtually no money or opportunity and wind up in Moscow, let alone the United States. A more courageous person, I've never known. I remember thinking aloud that I might not be strong enough to protect her if we leave the tourist area of Nassau, Bahamas at night and she about laughed her ass off at my concern. Embarrassed She explained that she's been in many far worse places and that, alone, and that I was a paranoid wooos. Interestingly, she boasted she was the fastest in her grade school class at tearing down and re-assembling a Kalashnikov (AK47) but she was not good at throwing a potato Laughing (pretending it was a hand grenade). Needless to say, we had a grand time partying with the Bahamian locals after all.

I've added "Anne Applebaum's Gulag - A History" to my impossibly long "to read list". Probably later rather than sooner, I'll get around to it. Thank you for sharing the excerpts. You sent me on a lovely trip down memory lane. I'm thinking about the first few times going to the mega stores and the way her eyes would light up when she saw the giant selections of fresh produce choices and how out of place the term and use of "disposable income" struck her. "Kid in a candy store" just doesn't do it justice. She adapted incredibly quickly and soon found herself with an excellent job with Armani. At first she enjoyed the relative fortune she earned here… but before long it seemed to make her feel guilty. Not that she ever failed to send dough home, but just didn't like it that the work itself didn't do anything to help people. So she went back to school for a nursing degree and now lives at a Russian Orthodox monastery and works at it's infirmary in New York… probably still dreaming about going home to open an orphanage. I don't think I'll ever meet a better person. Hell, I'm a better person just for having known her.

And, there I go babbling again, sorry… Embarrassed

Thank you Nimh for that most interesting post.
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willow tl
 
  1  
Reply Sat 16 Oct, 2004 05:18 pm
thanks for sharing bill..
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nimh
 
  1  
Reply Sat 16 Oct, 2004 05:26 pm
Thank you, Bill, for the personal recollections ... they beat "book knowledge" every time.
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OCCOM BILL
 
  1  
Reply Sat 16 Oct, 2004 05:48 pm
You guys are too cool. Remind me to thank Craven for introducing us.
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nimh
 
  1  
Reply Sun 21 Nov, 2004 12:06 pm
Still reading that book, Anne Applebaum's Gulag - A History ... and this episode here seems as striking a pars pro toto for the whole surreal logic of the Gulag system as any ... read and wonder as you go through it:

Quote:
[p. 137-138]

[..] On the other hand, when the NKVD were more interested - and, it seems, when Stalin himself was more interested - the investigators' attitude to those picked up during periods of mass arrest could rapidly change from indifferent to sinister. In certain circumstances, the NKVD would even demand that investigators fabricate evidence on a massive scale - as happened, for example, during the 1937 investigation into what [then-NKVD chief] Nikolai Yezhov called the "most powerful and probably the most important diversionist-espionage networks of Polish intelligence in the USSR." [..]

The operation began with NKVD Order 00485, an order that set the pattern for later mass arrests. Operational Order 00485 clearly listed the sort of person who was to be arrested: all remaining Polish war prisoners from the 1920-21 Polish-Bolshevik war; all Polish refugees and emigrants to the Soviet Union; anyone who had been a member of a Polish political party; and all "anti-Soviet activists" from Polish-speaking regions of the Soviet Union. In prtactice, anyone of Polish background living in the Soviet Union - and there were many, particularly in the Ukrainian and Belorussian border regions - was under suspicion. The operation was so thorough that the Polish Consul in Kiev compiled a secret report describing what was happening, noting that in some villages "anyone of Polish background and even anyone with a Polish-sounding name" had been arrested, whether a factory manager or a peasant.

But the arrests were only the beginning. Since there was nothing to incriminate someone guilty of having a Polish surname, Order 00485 went on to urge regional NKVD chiefs to "begin investigations simultaneousy with arrests. The basic aim of investigation should be the complete unmasking of the organizers and leaders of the diversionist group, with the goals of revealing the diversionist network ..."

In practice, this meant - as it would in so many other cases - that the arrestees themselves would be forced to provide the evidence from which the case against them would be constructed. The system was simple. Polish arrestees were first questioned about their membership in the spionage ring. Then, when they claimed to know nothing about it, they were beaten or otherwise tortured until they "remembered." Because Yezhov was personally interested in the success of this particular case, he was even present at some of the torture sessions. [..] Having confessed, the prisoners were then required to name others, their "co-conspirators." Then the cycle would begin again, as a result of which the "spy network" grew and grew.

Within two years of its launch, the so-called "Polish line of investigation" had resulted in the arrests of more than 140,000 people, by some accounts nearly 10 percent of all of those repressed in the Great Terror [of 1937-38].



The fascinating character of the persecution that's symbolised in this episode is of course the oil-spill effect - and how it's brought about by definition, by how the system itself was devised to create it. Its like unleashing a small storm that you know, through how you design it, will automatically grow and grow into a storm large enough to effect the deportation of an entire group. You end up with a Hitlerite result of rounding up an entire ethnic group, but it's set up to, however crudely, resemble an actual legal prosecution of sorts.

The effect was that the Polish persecution combined the worst of two worlds, really. On the one hand, it came down to a near-collective ethnic cleansing, the elimination of much of an entire population group to places where many of them would die. On the other hand, the surreal element in the Soviet system that insisted on the formalities of it all forced that entire population group to first go through this whole cruel, violent wringer of interrogation, verdict, sentence, as if there were an actual process of law going on.

"Why the Soviet secret police were so obsessed with confession remains a matter for debate", Applebaum notes, suggesting that it was partly because "The Soviet political and economic system was also obsessed with results - fulfilling the plan, completing the norm - and confessions were concrete "proof" of a succesful interrogation". In any case it meant, in practice, that the Poles were not simply deported to some inhospitable place to become forced labourers and often, die - but were first also put through barbaric torture for as long as it took to get those 'formalities' fulfilled.
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OCCOM BILL
 
  1  
Reply Sun 21 Nov, 2004 01:32 pm
Thanks for taking the time to share that Nimh. Kinda reinforces Reagan's definition of "Evil Empire", while simultaneously reminding me why it is important to give the prisoners at Guantánamo Bay some kind of status. I think I'll head over to Amazon and pick up a copy of that book.

(Also, I'm suddenly crazy curious what my friend's father's actual job may have been... Very Russian name, btw... long but ends in "chenko". I just got out the photo album... thanks for another trip down memory lane.)
0 Replies
 
J-B
 
  1  
Reply Mon 22 Nov, 2004 07:37 am
THey are someone like radicals. They are not evil, exactly. They hated these people. When they gained the ability to control their lives, how come they give up?
0 Replies
 
nimh
 
  1  
Reply Mon 22 Nov, 2004 04:22 pm
OCCOM BILL wrote:
Thanks for taking the time to share that Nimh. Kinda reinforces Reagan's definition of "Evil Empire"

Well, this was in 1937-38, when the persecution was at its most sadistic (though it would actually still increase in volume through the 1940s and into the 50s). A generation or two later, the Soviet Union of the early 80s, when Reagan coined his "Evil Empire" label, was really a different country altogether, even if elements of the system remained in effect throughout. The Gulag itself was progressively dismantled after Stalin's death (even if, again, elements of its system remained in effect in the penitentiary system). As Applebaum summarizes in a later chapter (before proceeding to outline which forms of political persecution did remain in place):

Quote:
The death of Stalin [in 1953] really did signal the end of the era of massive slave labor in the Soviet Union. Although the Soviet Union's repressive policies were to take some very harsh forms over the subsequent forty years, nobody ever again proposed to revive concentration camps on a large scale. Nobody ever again tried to make them a central part of the economy, or used them to incarcerate millions of people. The secret police never again controlled such a large slice of the nation's productive capacity, and camp commanders never again found themselves acting as the bosses of enormous industrial enterprises.


> I think I'll head over to Amazon and pick up a copy of that book.

Yeah, absolutely, its a fascinating read. Its in three parts, a chronological part up to 1940, then a part on what life in the camps was like, then a chronological part from 1940 onwards. The first part was a fascinating read, also because the system - unlike the Nazi's death camps - was so unsystematic, with such wide variations over time and from place to place, especially in the early years (things got more systematized as time went on). Unlike what I had expected, I found it also a relatively easy to digest reading - there's enough accounts of horror, no doubt, but the unpredictable intricacies of the system described makes it a lively story nevertheless. Part two, I gotta warn, then really hits you like a brick in the stomach - thats where she puts most of the truly horrendous, the individual testimonies. Am midway that part now.

Also, the introduction is surprisingly pamphlettistic, in the context of the rest of the book - or part of it is, anyway - and I don't necessarily mean that as a negative (let's say "impassioned", instead). Whereas all of the actual book is single-mindedly focused on fact-finding and description, without all too much theorising or political assessment (apart from assessment of the development of the Gulag itself), it's like the author condensed some of her more biting evaluation of the political significance of the system in her introduction. I agree with her, no question, and the content of the book obviously justifies the introduction. What she adds to the story in the introduction is notably the cracking of some tough notes on the failure of parties in the West to face up to the Gulag's reality, report it, condemn it.

The introduction alone would make for a good thread topic, actually, I'm just afraid that discussions of who was or wasn't guilty in the West would distract attention from the actual description of the Gulag. In any case, the Introduction can actually be read online, in full, here: Gulag: a History - Introduction

One criticism of the book has been that it doesnt add much new information - that its a digest of what was available already (be it a 500+ pp. digest). But that can hardly count as a reproach, seeing what an enormous mass of material is available (the bibliography covers some 18 pages of fine print), how its never before been processed in such an all-encompassing, detailed overview of Gulag history, and the relatively limited audiences the various histories and testimonies on the Soviet persecution have reached in the past (compared to, say, those of the Holocaust, I mean).
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OCCOM BILL
 
  1  
Reply Wed 24 Nov, 2004 10:32 am
Thanks again, dude. She has a very readable style about her. I ordered the book. I'll let you know when I get to read it.
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australia
 
  1  
Reply Thu 9 Dec, 2004 04:30 am
Imagine the poor russian soldiers in concentration camps during the second world war. When they were liberated after the end of the war, they were sent to the Gulag and Stalin death camps for collobarating with the enemy. Rescued from one nightmare and sent to another.
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nimh
 
  1  
Reply Thu 9 Dec, 2004 06:35 am
<nods>
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SerSo
 
  1  
Reply Thu 9 Dec, 2004 02:34 pm
australia wrote:
Imagine the poor russian soldiers in concentration camps during the second world war. When they were liberated after the end of the war, they were sent to the Gulag and Stalin death camps for collobarating with the enemy. Rescued from one nightmare and sent to another.

The Stalin’s time always astonishes me by its unimaginable contradictions. And the prisoners’ ridiculous pride for their forced labour, how Evgeniya Ginzburg described it, is not the only example. It is maybe the darkest period in the history of Russia (and not only Russia), but my parents and grandparents’ memories of it were never so gloomy as one can now think, though they were "a family of a people’s enemy". They remember themselves in 30’s or 50’s to be very cheerful and enthusiastic and what went wrong around them seemed to be simply odds, somebody’s mistakes etc. Maybe they were just young...

The first thing that surprised me when I became aware: If somebody felt that the secret police could come after him and therefore left for a different city or town, they just lost any interest in such a person. Everything was made at a local level and nobody wanted to hunt "enemies" all over the country. My late grandmother knew a man who used to be a local communist party leader, was arrested and managed to escape from the prison and nobody searched for him! Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn in his "Gulag Archipelago" tells a number of similar stories.

It is really a strange thing that it was not so hard to hide. When I was coming into inheritance it appeared that my grandma had changed her family name and there was no single trace of this fact in the official archives! The people there explained to me that at that time it had been quite possible if not very easy to receive a new ID with a different name, only your relatives had to certify your identity.

Yet another paradox is that too many dedicated communists were put to death while such writers like Mikhail Bulgakov or Boris Pasternak were intact, though they were very antagonistic towards the ruling regime. The same Solzhenitsyn recalls that he was not curled by the fact of his arrest because he already saw himself as an enemy to the Soviet state. Though, he notes, it was a nightmare for devoted revolutionaries who had fought for communism and regarded the system as theirs. And the group that suffered the most was the secret police itself.

It all looked like terror spread at random. Anything could become a pretext for arrest and severe sentence. Being a prisoner of war was just one of possible reasons, though most people who had been in German camps were set free. Stalin himself could not personally know all those people who were killed or sent to Gulag but he created a system where it was too easy to quash any person. It was a great test of people’s honour. Many passed the test and lots of people did not. My family stories tell of neighbours and co-workers who reported the authorities about seeming "enemies of the people” and prosecutors and judges who saved them, real stories of human dignity and wickedness.
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nimh
 
  1  
Reply Fri 10 Dec, 2004 04:16 pm
Very interesting, SerSo, thank you very much.
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OCCOM BILL
 
  1  
Reply Fri 10 Dec, 2004 04:20 pm
Indeed. I thank you too.
0 Replies
 
nimh
 
  1  
Reply Fri 24 Jun, 2005 01:35 pm
Odd: "Club Gulag": Mayor has dreams of a gulag vacationland
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