The Day Ferguson Cops Were Caught in a Bloody Lie part 2

Reply Tue 10 Nov, 2015 06:32 pm
Former Oklahoma sheriff formally charged with 2 misdemeanors
Nov. 10, 2015 6:01 PM EST

Stanley Glanz

Stanley Glanz, former Tulsa County Sheriff who resigned Nov. 1, 2015, leaves a courtroom in Tulsa... Read more

TULSA, Okla. (AP) — Prosecutors filed formal criminal charges Tuesday against an indicted former Oklahoma sheriff whose agency was investigated after a volunteer deputy fatally shot an unarmed man.

Stanley Glanz, who resigned as Tulsa County sheriff Nov. 1, faces two misdemeanor counts accusing him of willfully violating the law and refusing to perform his official duty.

They match accusations that a grand jury indicted him on in September after it investigated his agency. One of the charges against Glanz accuses him of not releasing documents in an internal investigation that questioned the training of the deputy, Robert Bates. The other accuses Glanz of willful violation of the law in an unrelated incident involving a stipend he received for a vehicle.

Bates, one of Glanz's close friends who gave thousands of dollars in cash and equipment to the sheriff's office, is charged with second-degree manslaughter in the fatal April shooting of Eric Harris. Bates, who has pleaded not guilty, has said he thought he was using his stun gun when he shot Harris during a gun-sales sting.

Bates has resigned from the agency and goes to trial in February.

Glanz's formal charges came shortly before his court appearance Tuesday. Deborah Glanz said prior to the hearing that the indictment and charges were "just a terrible attack" on her husband.

"Stanley is the best man I've ever known," she said.

The judge released Glanz, 73, on his own recognizance and set another hearing for Jan. 20. Glanz wasn't asked to enter a plea.

The ex-sheriff declined to comment on the charges afterward.

The internal 2009 memo Glanz is accused of not releasing alleged top sheriff's officials knew Bates was inadequately trained but pressured other officers to look away.

Thousands of county residents signed a petition to empanel the grand jury that indicted Glanz after Harris' death.

The sheriff's office still faces unresolved federal and state lawsuits and a state investigation.

A special election to pick a new sheriff is set for March 1.
bobsal u1553115
Reply Wed 11 Nov, 2015 05:51 am
0 Replies
bobsal u1553115
Reply Wed 11 Nov, 2015 11:04 am
Georgia man acquitted after 29 years files civil rights suit
Source: AP


ATLANTA (AP) — A Georgia man says he was frightened into pleading guilty for a murder he didn't commit after police dangled him off a bridge three decades ago, brought charges against his parents and threatened him with the death penalty.

Timothy R. Johnson was 22 in September 1984 when police arrested him and charged him in the killing of a Warner Robins convenience store clerk shot during a robbery. He pleaded guilty in December of that year — even though he says he didn't commit the crime. He was sentenced to life in prison.

In 2006, the Georgia Supreme Court overturned Johnson's conviction, saying there was nothing to indicate he understood his right not to incriminate himself and his right to confront witnesses.

It took seven more years before he was finally tried and was able to make his case before a jury, which found him not guilty on all charges.

FULL story at link.


In this Dec. 5, 2013, photo, Timothy Johnson embraces a family member after he was exonerated of a 1984 killing in Houston County in Perry, Ga. Johnson said he was frightened into pleading guilty for a murder he didn't commit after police dangled him off a bridge three decades ago, brought charges against his parents and threatened him with the death penalty. (Grant Blankenship/The Macon Telegraph via AP) MANDATORY CREDIT

Read more: http://bigstory.ap.org/article/b9a75e585b2c4fe283a90564fc081a66/georgia-man-acquitted-after-29-years-files-civil-rights
0 Replies
bobsal u1553115
Reply Wed 11 Nov, 2015 11:05 am
Prosecutors review cases of Illinois officer who killed self
Source: AP

OX LAKE, Ill. (AP) — Prosecutors in northern Illinois are contacting attorneys whose clients pleaded guilty or were convicted in cases involving a police officer who authorities say killed himself after years of embezzling from a police-sponsored youth program.

The (Waukegan) News Sun reports that the Lake County State's Attorney Michael Nerheim says there are 13 prosecutions since 2008 involving the late Fox Lake Police Lt. Charles Joseph Gliniewicz. The notification gives attorneys the opportunity to file motions or pursue other action after Gliniewicz's suicide and thefts were revealed.

Meanwhile, officials with BMO Harris Bank have told the (Arlington Heights) Daily Herald that they've frozen the main memorial bank account created after Gliniewicz's death when it was suspected he was a homicide victim. Bank officials haven't disclosed how much money is in the account.

FILE - This undated file photo provided by the Fox Lake Police Department shows Lt. Charles Joseph Gliniewicz. Authorities will announce Wednesday, Nov. 4, 2015, that the northern Illinois police officer whose shooting death led to a massive manhunt in September killed himself, an official briefed on the crime investigation says. (Fox Lake Police Department photo via AP, File)

Read more: http://bigstory.ap.org/article/91b990e279db4d148e9765585b2935f8/prosecutors-review-cases-illinois-officer-who-killed-self
0 Replies
bobsal u1553115
Reply Wed 11 Nov, 2015 12:05 pm
0 Replies
bobsal u1553115
Reply Wed 11 Nov, 2015 12:22 pm
Chicago Police officer charged with shooting at off-duty cop

An angry Cook County judge berated a Chicago Police officer who was in court Tuesday after being charged with firing five shots at an off-duty suburban cop who tried to pull him over for driving drunk.

Judge Adam Bourgeois Jr. told cop John J. Gorman’s attorney: “The problem I have with this is that we have a climate in this city where citizens are shooting at each other. We have to expect and demand more from those who wear a badge.”

The off-duty cop wasn’t hit, and Gorman, 53, was charged with aggravated discharge of a firearm, the Chicago Sun-Times is reporting. He could face up to 15 years in prison if convicted.

When Gorman’s attorney, Michael Clancy, argued for the officer to be released without having to post bond, the judge said that the bullets could have hit a 9-year-old. Last week, 9-year-old Tyshawn Lee was lured to an alley and shot and killed in a gang dispute. His funeral was Tuesday.

If police officers are misbehaving, “how can we expect citizens to obey the law?” the judge asked. He set bail at $50,000.

0 Replies
bobsal u1553115
Reply Wed 11 Nov, 2015 12:24 pm
Massive Hack of 70 Million Prisoner Phone Calls Indicates Violations of Attorney-Client Privilege


AN ENORMOUS CACHE of phone records obtained by The Intercept reveals a major breach of security at Securus Technologies, a leading provider of phone services inside the nation’s prisons and jails. The materials — leaked via SecureDrop by an anonymous hacker who believes that Securus is violating the constitutional rights of inmates — comprise over 70 million records of phone calls, placed by prisoners to at least 37 states, in addition to links to downloadable recordings of the calls. The calls span a nearly two-and-a-half year period, beginning in December 2011 and ending in the spring of 2014.

Particularly notable within the vast trove of phone records are what appear to be at least 14,000 recorded conversations between inmates and attorneys, a strong indication that at least some of the recordings are likely confidential and privileged legal communications — calls that never should have been recorded in the first place. The recording of legally protected attorney-client communications — and the storage of those recordings — potentially offends constitutional protections, including the right to effective assistance of counsel and of access to the courts.

“This may be the most massive breach of the attorney-client privilege in modern U.S. history, and that’s certainly something to be concerned about,” said David Fathi, director of the ACLU’s National Prison Project. “A lot of prisoner rights are limited because of their conviction and incarceration, but their protection by the attorney-client privilege is not.”

The blanket recording of detainee phone calls is a fairly recent phenomenon, the official purpose of which is to protect individuals both inside and outside the nation’s prisons and jails. The Securus hack offers a rare look at this little-considered form of mass surveillance of people behind bars — and of their loved ones on the outside — raising questions about its scope and practicality, as well as its dangers. <...> The Intercept
0 Replies
bobsal u1553115
Reply Wed 11 Nov, 2015 12:27 pm
How Law Enforcement Can Use Google Timeline To Track Your Every Move
Jana Winter

Nov. 6 2015, 8:53 a.m.


THE RECENT EXPANSION of Google’s Timeline feature can provide investigators unprecedented access to users’ location history data, allowing them in many cases to track a person’s every move over the course of years, according to a report recently circulated to law enforcement.

“The personal privacy implications are pretty clear but so are the law enforcement applications,” according to the document, titled “Google Timelines: Location Investigations Involving Android Devices,” which outlines the kind of information investigators can now obtain.

The Timeline allows users to look back at their daily movements on a map; that same information is also potentially of interest to law enforcement. “It is now possible to submit a legal demand to Google for location history greater than six months old,” the report says. “This could revitalize cold cases and potentially help solve active investigations.”

The report was written by a law enforcement trainer, Aaron Edens, and provides detailed guidance on the wealth of historic location information available through Google Timeline and how to request it. A copy of of the document was obtained by The Intercept.

The expansion of Google’s Timeline feature, launched in July 2015, allows investigators to request detailed information about where someone has been — down to the longitude and latitude — over the course of years. Previously, law enforcement could only yield recent location information.

The 15-page document includes what information its author, an expert in mobile phone investigations, found being stored in his own Timeline: historic location data — extremely specific data — dating back to 2009, the first year he owned a phone with an Android operating system. Those six years of data, he writes, show the kind of information that law enforcement investigators can now obtain from Google.

The document also notes that users can edit or delete specific locations in their history, or an entire day, stressing the importance of preservation letters for criminal investigators involving Android phones. “Unfortunately, Google has made it very easy to delete location history from a specific date,” he wrote.

There is no indication data is recoverable from Google once it has been deleted by the user, the report says.

Location data is only stored in users’ Google accounts if they enable the feature. Individual Android users can turn it off, but users often don’t.

The ability of law enforcement to obtain data stored with privacy companies is similar — whether it’s in Dropbox or iCloud. What’s different about Google Timeline, however, is that it potentially allows law enforcement to access a treasure trove of data about someone’s individual movement over the course of years.

The report also advises investigators to remember there is a significant amount of other information retained by Google.

“Consider including Gmail, photos and videos, search history, contacts, applications, other connected devices, Google Voice and Google Wallet, if they are relevant to the investigation,” the report suggests. Investigators are also advised to include a non-disclosure order with their search warrants for Google data, which prevents the company from notifying the account holder that their data is being provided to law enforcement.

It’s impossible to know how many of these requests for historic Timeline location information have been made by law enforcement, since Google does not specify what types of requests it gets from law enforcement. Google’s transparency report provides information on the number of requests received from law enforcement, and the most recent requests go up to the end of 2014 and do not cover the time period after the expanded Timeline was launched. (In the first half of 2014, Google received 12,539 criminal legal requests in the U.S. and in the second half it received 9,981.)

The major barrier law enforcement faces is that Google does not provide any additional advice or help on deciphering data, once it is turned over under subpoena or warrant. “Based on conversations with other law enforcement investigators and prosecutors, they have resisted attempts to bring them into court to discuss the issue,” Edens wrote.

“Google does not provide expert witness testimony,” Edens said in response to The Intercept’s questions, noting that this is a similar practice to that of other companies, like Facebook. His report, he added, was written to help law enforcement in the absence of assistance from Google.

“Google has always been wary of any perceived cooperation with law enforcement, even before [Edward] Snowden,” he said.

“We respond to valid legal requests, and have a long track record of advocating on behalf of our users,” a Google spokesperson told The Intercept.

Research: Micah Lee

Update: November 9, 2015

In an email, the Google spokesperson notes that the company requires a warrant to obtain detailed user data such as that available in Timeline. “A subpoena,” the spokesperson writes, “is not and has never been sufficient to get it.” The article has been updated to reflect this.
0 Replies
bobsal u1553115
Reply Wed 11 Nov, 2015 07:17 pm

Ex-California cop sentenced to life for raping stroke victim
1 hour ago

SACRAMENTO, Calif. (Reuters) - A former Sacramento police officer convicted of raping a 75-year-old stroke victim in her senior living apartment has been sentenced to life in prison, court records show.

Prosecutors said Gary Dale Baker, 52, entered the woman's apartment at least three times from 2010 to 2012, raping her twice as she suffered from a stroke-related inability to speak.

He was convicted in July of nine charges relating to the case, including rape, forcible oral copulation, sexual battery and burglary. On Tuesday, Baker was sentenced to 62 years to life, meaning that he will spend the rest of his life behind bars, a spokeswoman for Sacramento County District Attorney Anne Marie Schubert said.

The woman, now 77, was recovering from a stroke in a senior living complex in South Sacramento when the attacks began, prosecutors said.

Read more: http://news.yahoo.com/ex-california-cop-sentenced-life-raping-stroke-victim-172706547.html
0 Replies
bobsal u1553115
Reply Wed 11 Nov, 2015 07:26 pm

Cop Was Stalking Man’s Fiancee Before Pulling Him Over and Murdering His 6-Year-Old Boy


Until now, there was still no logical reason for the stop, leaving everyone wondering why these officers went after Chris Few at all.
By Matt Agorist / The Free Thought Project
November 11, 2015


Officers Derrick Stafford and Norris Greenhouse, Jr. are currently being held, each with a $1 million bail for the murder of Jeremy Mardis and the attempted murder of his father, Chris Few.
Photo Credit: c/o The Free Thought Project

Marksville, LA — More information is coming to light about the two Marksville City Marshals, who ruthlessly shot to death a 6-year-old boy as he was buckled into the back seat of a vehicle.
Shop ▾

Officers Derrick Stafford and Norris Greenhouse, Jr. are currently being held, each with a $1 million bail for the murder of Jeremy Mardis and the attempted murder of his father, Chris Few.

Few’s attorney, Mark Jeansonne said Monday, that the body camera video shows the father of this 6-year-old autistic boy who was shot to death in his car, had his hands in the air and did not pose a threat.

After it was revealed that the officers had fabricated a story about Chris Few having an outstanding warrant and being armed, the family is left wondering why in the world he was stopped in the first place.

Couple their lies with the fact that Few’s attorney said he had his hands up during the stop, and a dark and ominous scenario begins to unfold.

Until now, there was still no logical reason for the stop, leaving everyone wondering why these officers went after Few at all. However, all that changed when Few’s fiancée came forward about her relationship to one of the murdering cops, Norris Greenhouse, Jr.

According tothe Advocate, Megan Dixon, Few’s fiancée, said this weekend that Few had a previous run-in with Greenhouse. A former high school classmate of Dixon, Greenhouse had started messaging her on Facebook and had come by the house Few and Dixon were sharing at the time.

“I told Chris, and Chris confronted him about it and told him, ‘Next time you come to my house I’m going to hurt you,’ ” Dixon said.

Now that we know Few told Greenhouse to leave his fiancée alone, we can establish an alleged motive for the stop. Could it be that Greenhouse and the three other officers involved in the stop were abusing their authority to harass a man for being protective of his fiancée?

We’ve certainly seen far worse reasons for police officers to pull people over. However, this time, an officer’s alleged abuse of power ended with the death of an innocent child.

On Monday, Jeremy Mardis was laid to rest in Mississippi. As members of his family watched the tiny casket get lowered into the ground, their hearts were heavy with grief.

This grief, while incredibly real and horrendous, could have also been prevented. Greenhouse and Stafford had an atrocious history that should have ended their careers in law enforcement far before they were able to murder a child. But they were not fired. Instead, their issues were ‘resolved’ and they were allowed to continue their tyranny.

The fault for the death of Jeremy Mardis does not end with Greenhouse and Stafford. Everyone who’s been complicit in allowing these proven violent and rapacious maniacs to keep their badges is culpable of aiding and abetting murderers.
0 Replies
bobsal u1553115
Reply Wed 11 Nov, 2015 07:33 pm
Revealed: Virginia cops Tased handcuffed man 20 times in 30 minutes before he died
Arturo Garcia


11 Nov 2015 at 19:25 ET
Police in South Boston, Virginia use their Tasers against Linwood Lambert during a May 2013 encounter. [MSNBC]

Police in South Boston, Virginia broke their own rules and Tased a man multiple times, then reneged on a planned trip to the hospital, before he died in their custody, MSNBC reported.

Newly-released footage shows three officers using the devices against 46-year-old Linwood Lambert while he was handcuffed both in front of a local hospital and in a patrol car. The Tasers were used 20 times over the course of a 30-minute period.

However, the department’s rules state that Taser use “is no longer justified once the subject has been restrained,” as Linwood was during the May 4, 2013 encounter.

The footage also reveals that the officers broke the department’s rules regarding providing medical assistance to suspects after the use of a Taser. The regulations state that officers should take suspects to the emergency room at the Sentara Halifax Regional Hospital before taking them to jail.

The video shows an officer telling Lambert, “We’re not locking you up, we’re going to the ER” after handcuffing him — but not arresting him — during their initial encounter at a local motel. Lambert was reportedly hallucinating and “acting paranoid,” prompting noise complaints from other guests.

The officers — identified as Cpl. Tiffany Bratton and Officers Travis Clay and Clifton Mann — took Lambert to the hospital. The footage shows Lambert running toward the facility as soon as he was let out of the squad car. After he runs into the hospital door, the officers use their Tasers. Lambert quickly falls to the ground.

But despite Lambert being restrained and showing no sign of aggressive behavior, the officers continued to use their Tasers on him while he is on the ground. They also arrested him and charged him with disorderly conduct and destruction of property.

They also took him away from the hospital, instead taking him to jail. The officers noticed when they arrived that Lambert was unconscious, and called for medical assistance after attempting CPR. Lambert was pronounced dead at 6:23 a.m. at Sentara Halifax, where the officers had originally planned to take him.

Police refused to turn over footage of Lambert’s encounter to his family until his sister, Gwendolyn Smalls, filed a $25 million wrongful death lawsuit against the department. No one has been arrested in connection with Lambert’s death.

Watch the footage, as released by MSNBC on Wednesday, below.

0 Replies
bobsal u1553115
Reply Thu 12 Nov, 2015 07:18 am

Why Campus Cops Are So Dangerous

Private campus police departments often have less transparency but just as much power as city police.

By Nathalie Baptiste / The American Prospect
November 5, 2015


Gil Collar was only 18 years old when, in 2012, he ingested a hallucinogenic drug, stripped naked, and banged on the windows of the police station at the University of South Alabama where he was a freshman. When Officer Trevis Austin heard the commotion, he opened the door and fatally shot Collar. The campus police officer claimed that Collar charged towards him, but surveillance footage shows that Gil Collar never lunged or came within four feet of the police officer. In September, a federal judge cleared Austin of any wrongdoing.
Shop ▾

College campuses began hiring their own police more than a century ago. But the exact rights and responsibilities of campus cops are a crazy quilt of different practices and standards. Even at their most professional, college police forces are required to disclose far less than their public counterparts. It’s one more case of privatization producing more confusion and less accountability.

In response to tension between city police officers and college students, Yale University became the first to hire their own officers. In 1894, Yale paid for two New Haven policemen to patrol the grounds. Other colleges began to follow suit. In the beginning, the majority of the campus police officers were not like Yale’s. They were more like watchmen—they did not have law enforcement training and many were retired from non–law enforcement jobs.

Campus watchmen in those years were glorified custodians, charged with protecting campuses from property damage, closing and locking doors, and other maintenance-related tasks. Not until the Vietnam War era, when colleges became hotbeds for anti-war protests and the National Guard was dispatched to break up civil disobedience, did large numbers of colleges seek to establish real campus police forces.

After a white police officer fatally shot 18-year-old Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, in August 2014, a national conversation around policing and racism began. Why are police officers rarely indicted? Why do police kill more blacks than whites? As we begin to debate and unpack these questions (and look for solutions), the policing of our college campuses largely flies under the radar and complicates these issues.

HIGHER EDUCATION INSTITUTIONS cannot simply establish forces with full police powers. That power must be granted through some type of state authority. Most states now have statutes that authorize campus policing; while they vary, the majority of them have common principles.

Authorization statutes typically identify whether they apply to both public and private universities, as in Georgia, or just public institutions, as in New York. Typically, state statutes also define the types of powers granted to campus police officers. In Oklahoma, campus officers are granted the same powers as municipal police. The authorization statutes usually contain training requirements, but there is no national standard.

Where state statutes are most likely to diverge is in physical jurisdiction. Departments with limited jurisdiction are typically only allowed to patrol on property or facilities that are owned or operated by the school. Extended jurisdiction gives campus police the power to patrol campus and some property beyond. Full jurisdiction, which campus police officers have in Wyoming, confers statewide police powers.

The University of Chicago was an early sponsor of a full-fledged police force with authority far beyond the campus. Founded in 1890 by John D. Rockefeller, the university saw its Hyde Park neighborhood experience white flight in the 1950s. As integration came, white homeowners were fleeing the area both because of racism and economic fears that black homeowners would cause property values to drop. In response to the newly integrated neighborhoods in its backyard, the University of Chicago created the South East Chicago Commission, which oversaw the demolition of hundreds of buildings in order to create a larger oasis for the elite university, at the expense of poor people and blacks who were driven out of the immediate neighborhood.

Exposed to a larger black surrounding community, university leaders felt vulnerable. So they created a then-unique university police force that would have full arrest authority in adjacent neighborhoods, with the full cooperation of Chicago’s regular police force. The South East Chicago Commission hired its first policemen in the 1960s. In 1968 the International Association of Police Chief helped the university turn its police department into a full-fledged law enforcement agency, formally deputized in 1989 by the city of Chicago.

According to the University of Chicago website, all new UCPD officers undergo 16 weeks of training at the Chicago Police Department’s training academy. They’re also instructed on ethics, diversity, and fair policing. After graduating from the academy, officers then undergo a 12-week field-training program supervised by UCPD officers and supervisors.

Today, the University of Chicago Police Department is the one of the largest private police forces in the world, second only to the Vatican Police. The student body is just under 15,000, but the force’s jurisdiction encompasses not just the campus but also the surrounding neighborhood, resulting in a total of 65,000 people being under the watchful eye of a private campus police force.

Thanks to a law passed in 1992 by the Illinois legislature, private colleges in the state are able to maintain full-fledged police forces—without being subject to the state’s Freedom of Information Act. With immense power but virtually no accountability, the UCPD has become a huge presence in Chicago—and a source of animosity and fear for the black population on and off campus.

In the meantime, other colleges have followed the University of Chicago model. Today, 75 percent of four-year institutions with 2,500 or more students use armed officers, a 7 percent jump from the 2004–2005 academic year. At public institutions, the overwhelming majority use sworn police officers—those with general arrest powers—compared to only 38 percent at private institutions. Eighty-six percent of all campus police officers have arrest jurisdictions beyond the universities they serve and 81 percent have patrol jurisdictions that extend into outside communities.

The average entry-level sworn officer received 1,027 hours of training, with the majority of that in the classroom, and the rest in the field. Non-sworn officers received an average of 230 hours of training, split between classroom and field training. Among campus law enforcement agencies at four-year colleges with 2,500 or more students, 74 percent require at least a high school diploma for sworn police officers, while only 3 percent require a four-year degree.

While an entry-level non-sworn officer’s average salary during the 2011–2012 academic year was $27,500, the average entry-level sworn police officer earned $37,000. Larger universities tend to pay more than smaller ones, and private institutions have a higher starting salary than their public counterparts. Among campuses with at least 5,000 students, 51 percent of sworn police officers worked for an agency that allows collective bargaining, compared to 43 percent of non-sworn officers. For both sworn and non-sworn officers, salaries were higher for police officers who are allowed to collectively bargain.

You might think that municipal police forces would feel threatened by the campus police, but mostly, you’d be wrong. The Fraternal Order of Police is the world’s largest organization of law enforcement officers, with more than 325,000 members (including campus police officers) organized by locals known as lodges. The organization has advocated on behalf of campus officers, including University of Cincinnati Police Officer Ray Tensing, who fatally shot unarmed 37-year-old Sam DuBose in July. After the shooting, the Hamilton County prosecutor did not mince his words: Joe Deters, a Republican who supports the death penalty, called for the disbandment of the University of Cincinnati police department. The Fraternal Order of Police in Ohio took offense to his harsh words and stood behind campus police in a press release, saying that University of Cincinnati police are “professional officers” who are dedicated to protecting their community, and who do their jobs with honor and distinction just like city police.

The National Fraternal Order of Police views campus cops as their equals. “Their mission is no different than any police agency, and that is to preserve peace and protect the lives of their citizens,” says National FOP President Chuck Canterbury. “The fact that some are still unarmed is a shame, and we encourage all universities and colleges to provide all the necessary police equipment to their departments.”

IN TERMS OF THE national debate about police accountability, there’s one big difference between city police and campus police at a private university. Because of open records laws, law enforcement agencies are compelled to release incident and arrest reports to the public, a requirement that becomes important in cases of alleged police excess. But many private universities have insisted that as private institutions, they do not have to comply with open record laws.

“There’s no good argument for why police departments shouldn’t disclose their records,” says Frank LoMonte, the director of the Student Press Law Center. “The way the police use their authority is definitely the public’s business.” The argument that college police are private begins to fall apart when campus police officers have extended jurisdiction, sworn arrest authority, and patrol in the surrounding neighborhood, as at University of Chicago or George Washington University in Washington, D.C.

“Campus police can police people who have no connection to the school other than proximity to it,” says Seth Stoughton, an assistant professor of law at the University of South Carolina. “A college population is largely transient, so campus police maybe have less incentive to do community outreach,” explains Stoughton, “and the type of community outreach they do is very different” than a city or county law enforcement agency.

People who are not affiliated with the school, but who live in a neighborhood under campus police jurisdiction, are subjected to a police force with little if any accountability. When Tajh Blow, a Yale student who is the son of New York Times columnist Charles Blow, was roughed up at gunpoint by Yale police, their explanation was that this was a case of mistaken identity—they didn’t know he was a Yale student—as if this were defensible treatment of a local. An internal investigation by Yale cleared the police. “It’s fair to speculate that campus police fight less often and less seriously with students,” says Stoughton, “and if that’s what the officer is used to, they view non-students as more of a threat and that can change the way officers go about policing.”

In Chicago, the Campaign for Equitable Policing is a project of the Southside Solidarity Network, which works for accountability and equitable policing practices in the UCPD, both on campus and off. “The reason why our campaign started is because of the stories we were hearing from young black people about constant harassment and aggressive policing tactics,” explains Tristan Bock-Hughes, a junior who is a leader of the group. You would be hard-pressed to find someone who would deny that the UCPD treats black people differently than white people, especially black people in the area who don’t look like they belong.

The University of Chicago Police Department has an Independent Review Committee to review complaints that deal with excessive force, violation of rights, abusive language, or dereliction of duty. The committee evaluates the actions of the UCPD, and makes recommendations regarding the UCPD’s policies and procedures. The committee is made up of three faculty members, three students, two staff members, and three community members, all appointed by the provost.

Since March 2005, there have been 130 complaints against the UCPD but 31 of those complaints were outside the purview of the Independent Review Committee. Each year, the IRC releases an annual report with information on the complaints. The University of Chicago says it is working on increasing the transparency of the campus police department by disclosing traffic stops and field interviews on its website. “There is a lot of information on there that goes above and beyond the information given by most law enforcement agencies,” says Marielle Sainvillus, the university’s director of public affairs. But that’s as far as transparency goes in the department.

Since the Illinois Private College Act doesn’t require the UCPD to release arrest records or incident reports to the public, it can be hard for activists to document racial profiling or abuse of power. If a case similar to the shooting death of Sam DuBose were to occur at the University of Chicago, consequences for the offending officer would be hard to achieve.

IN THE NATION'S CAPITAL, a recent push for extended campus police powers fueled a debate about the difference between city and campus police. George Washington University is a prestigious and private university located in Washington, D.C.’s Foggy Bottom neighborhood—just four blocks from the White House. GW is lacking in green space, as the campus spans several city blocks. The campus police department tasked with keeping the campus safe is made up of special police officers commissioned by the city.

The mayor of Washington, D.C., is able to commission special police, who must receive 40 hours of training. In order to become part of the police department at GW, an individual must be able to obtain the special police officer (SPO) certification within 120 days of employment. The officers are required to have a minimum of a high school diploma or GED equivalent and either one year of experience in protective services or an associate’s degree in criminal justice or a related field.

New hires undergo six weeks of field training, certification training (such as defensive driving and pepper-spray usage), as well as seven weeks of academy training at the Consortium of Universities of the Washington Metropolitan Area Campus Public Safety Institute. The starting salary for a campus cop at GW is a comfortable $48,800.

The type of training GW campus police receive differs from the D.C. Metropolitan Police Department. D.C. police officers receive a starting salary of $52,184, but undergo more extensive training. In the academy, individuals must complete 28 weeks of intensive academic and physical skills training, including firearms, civil disturbance, and vehicle skills.

Though D.C. police and GW campus police do not have the same level of training or professionalism, GW (along with other colleges in the District) began pushing in 2013 for expanded jurisdiction. This move sparked a debate among Foggy Bottom residents, students, and campus officials. While some Foggy Bottom residents wanted campus police to be able to respond to their noise complaints, others worried about the fact that the GW campus police department is not a full-fledged law enforcement agency.

Those fears aren’t unfounded. In a FOIA request, the student newspaper The GW Hatchet uncovered the fact that campus police officers had been knocking on doors of private homes, had followed a car off campus, and had improperly detained three students suspected of having marijuana in a public park.

In 1974, Congress passed the Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act (FERPA), which requires schools to protect the confidentiality of students’ education records. In 1992, Congress amended FERPA to remove privacy protections for campus police reports. Despite this, colleges continue to cite FERPA as the reasoning behind not releasing police incident reports.

Perhaps the best way to get campus police departments to release their data is through legislation. In August 2013, police officers at Rice University—a private college in Houston—beat 37-year-old Ivan Joe Waller with batons during his arrest for stealing “bait bikes,” placed by the officers in a bicycle-theft operation. A local television station aired portions of the arrest that were caught on tape, enraging local lawmakers.

But since Texas law at the time didn’t require private institutions to release information, many details of the case were left in the dark. “We need to make certain we stop police officers from being able to hide behind their private institution status," State Senator John Whitmire told the Houston Chronicle in December 2013.

In response to the incident, Whitmire introduced legislation that would require private universities to comply with Texas’s Public Information Act, and in May 2015, the state legislature voted unanimously to pass the bill. Texas joins North Carolina, Georgia, Virginia, and Ohio as states that require private universities to release some of their arrest records and incident reports. It may come as a surprise that many of the states that require disclosure of records are in the South, because their populations tend to be more pro–law enforcement and more conservative, but their private universities are predominantly white.

The release of private records could also help in combating racial profiling on college campuses. Racial profiling by campus police happens, but the data isn’t easy to come by. “It’s not easy to get information from any police department,” policing expert Seth Stoughton explains, “but private colleges are exceptionally close-mouthed about different information, from their use of force statistics to their approach to investigating crime.”

THE UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA is a private Ivy League school in Philadelphia. Its police department is tasked with policing more than 24,000 students, and its jurisdiction extends out into the city of Philadelphia.

In 2003, after a racial incident spurred an investigation, the school issued a report on racial profiling by the University of Pennsylvania Police Department (UPPD). The report found that UPPD stopped black people, whether in a car or on foot, more than any other racial group.

The release of the report did not do much to curb racial bias in the UPPD. In April, The Daily Pennsylvanian—an independent, student-run newspaper—reported that seven cases involving use of force and civil-rights violations had been filed against the department since 2012.

Campus police and city police also share in the militarization of our law enforcement agencies. In 2006, the University of California, Los Angeles, police used a Taser on a student in the library. Mostafa Tabatabainejad, a junior, was studying in the library while police were doing routine checks, making sure everyone in the library after 11:00 p.m. was a student. Tabatabainejad, who is of Iranian descent, refused to give identification, assuming he was being singled out because of his race. When Tabatabainejad refused to leave the library, he was shocked at least three times with the Taser. In 2007, Los Angeles police accountability expert Merrick Bob, who was a court-appointed monitor for the LA Sheriff's Department, said the use of the Taser was excessive.

And Tasers and batons are not the only weapons campus police are equipped with. The 1033 program—which provides police officers with military equipment—also extends to officers who police college students. Many Americans were shocked by scenes from the Ferguson protests that flooded their screens—the police looked more like military units. The same scenes could emerge from a college campus.

“Over 100 schools have military equipment,” says Pete Haviland-Eduah, the national policy director of Million Hoodies. The weapons and equipment range from “barricade fencing for large events to modified grenade launchers, tear gas, and assault rifles,” says Haviland-Eduah. “At least 63 schools are known to have M16s and M14s.”

In 2013, Ohio State University acquired a mine-resistant ambush protected (MRAP) vehicle, which is designed to withstand mines, improvised explosive devices, and other conditions seen in warfare. Ohio State is in Columbus, and not a warzone, so why do the campus police need this type of vehicle? The OSU police chief said the MRAP vehicle could be useful during a tornado or a bomb threat.

“Campus police are arming themselves for the next potential Virginia Tech,” says Haviland-Eduah, referring to the deadliest mass shooting on a college campus in American history. “They think that military equipment will prevent the next mass shooting.”

In January 2015, President Barack Obama issued an executive order addressing the use of military equipment by law enforcement agencies. The executive order established the Law Enforcement Equipment Working Group, which in turn issued a report containing recommendations that included consistent and transparent rules for acquiring weapons; analysis reports for incidents involving military weapons; proper training for police officers who use these weapons; and creating uniform standards for suspending from the weapons-transfer program those law enforcement agencies that violate laws.

The use of military weapons by campus police, however, was given just a footnote in the order. The Permanent Working Group, which is responsible for implementing recommendations, “will further consider the extent to which acquisition of controlled equipment via Federal programs by LEAs [law enforcement agencies] operated by institutions of higher education furthers the interests of student and campus safety.”

Even if the Obama administration is dragging its feet, there are some lawmakers who have identified problems with campus policing and have taken steps to rectify them. In February, Illinois State Representative Barbara Flynn Currie proposed H.B. 3932 in the state’s assembly. The bill would amend the Private College Campus Police Act to require police departments at private universities to release information on arrests and incidents to the public.

The administration’s efforts to combat police brutality is a step in the right direction, but ignoring the increasing problem of police violence on our college campuses takes us two steps back. The shooting of Sam DuBose and the shadowy nature of the University of Chicago Police Department prove that simply training campus officers alongside city cops isn’t the only remedy.

De-escalation training, community engagement, a robust complaint process, diversity training, and consequences for police officers who abuse their power are just a few solutions for American policing in 2015. If America wants fair and equitable policing, law enforcement agencies—campus ones included—should adhere to a national standard of professionalism, training, and accountability.

The expansion of campus police departments is part of two trends afflicting America today. Privatization of public functions makes institutions less transparent and accountable. And the proliferation of different kinds of police agencies often goes hand in hand with a reduction in public accountability. Transit police and Alcohol and Beverage Control departments also raise the same kind of questions about policing jurisdictions, but at least they are still public institutions. “Campus police may be the least democratically accountable,” Seth Stoughton says.

In post-Ferguson America, the role of policing in our society has become a topic discussed by everyone from activists to politicians. Addressing police brutality has been a delicate dance so far, but even if national reform does come, we cannot afford to ignore unchecked campus police power.

Nathalie Baptiste is a writing fellow at The American Prospect. She has worked as a contributor to Foreign Policy In Focus and written for Inter Press Service
0 Replies
bobsal u1553115
Reply Thu 12 Nov, 2015 07:30 am

San Diego Cops Keep Forgetting to Turn Their Body Cameras on Before Killing People

The 'safety' exception offers wide latitude for officers to avoid recording potentially lethal encounters.

By William N. Grigg / The Free Thought Project
November 5, 2015


All patrol officers employed by the San Diego Police Department are now required to carry body cameras – but they avoid falling prey to the dreaded “YouTube Effect” by simply refusing to activate them when they could be of greatest use.
Photo Credit: c/o The Free Thought Project

San Diego, CA — All patrol officers employed by the San Diego Police Department are now required to carry body cameras – but they avoid falling prey to the dreaded “YouTube Effect” by simply refusing to activate them when they could be of greatest use.
Shop ▾

On two occasions during the past six months, police officers in San Diego have “failed” to activate their body cameras during incidents that eventually led to lethal force. This has led the department to revise its policy to require officers to activate their cameras “before traffic stops, field interviews, detentions, arrests, and any other `enforcement related contacts’ – as long as it’s safe to do so,” reports the San Diego Union Tribune.

The “safety” exception, however, offers wide latitude for officers to avoid recording potentially lethal encounters. The department has now asked the company that manufactures the hardware “to see if technology exists that would automatically turn on an officer’s body-worn camera when they draw their gun from its holster.”

That request offers a powerful, if tacit, indictment of the discipline and professionalism of the San Diego PD’s rank and file. The department’s track record suggests that the request might have been made for purposes of public relations, rather than an honest effort to improve institutional transparency.

In early 2014, the SDPD purchased several hundred body cameras. This was done, according to former Chief William Lansdowne, in the hope that it “helps us with misunderstandings, and with lawsuits.” Initially, 100 cameras were purchased at a cost of $200,000. When Shelly Zimmerman took over as Chief in March of that year, she expanded the program to include every officer in the department. This prompted predictable push-back from the San Diego Police Officers Association, which complained that the proposal imperiled officer “privacy.”

“Everybody is jumping on the bandwagon thinking this is going to be some sort of panacea and [will] solve all these problems when the reality is, it may create more,” groused SDPOA President Brian Marvel.

The program was fully implemented by October 2014, at which time Chief Zimmerman promised that video from body cameras would not be easily accessible, and that they would be removed from storage after six months in the absence of a court case or a specific citizen complaint. This statement appeared to prioritize the concerns of officers above those of the public supposedly served by them – and considerations of officer “privacy” might help explain why cameras weren’t activated during two recent lethal force incidents.

Last April, Officer Neal Browder fatally shot a 31-year-old man named Fridoon Zalbeg Rawshannehad, who had been suspected of carrying a knife. After the shooting, no weapon was found, although Rawshannehad was carrying what has been described as “a shiny looking object.”

This fatal confrontation should have been captured on body cam video. However, Officer Bowder’s camera either wasn’t activated or was defective. Video was obtained from a nearby security camera, but has not been released to the public while the department investigates the shooting.

Last month, two San Diego PD officers fatally shot a 39-year-old man who reportedly ran into traffic and caused a disturbance. The man was shot three times after allegedly pointing a pistol at the officers. Neither of the officers involved in the shooting activated his body camera.

As of September, 871 SDPD officers were outfitted with body cameras. According to a report compiled by the department, since the program was implemented complaints against officers fell 23 percent, and misconduct allegations by 44 percent, during the first year that the cameras were available. During the same period, interestingly, use of force episodes had increased by ten percent. Incidents of “greater” force – which involve an officer employing tasers, pepper spray, or choke holds – dropped by eight percent after the body cams were distributed. Perhaps most significantly, the number of non-sustained misconduct allegations dropped from 19 to 3 – which suggests the value of the technology as a way of enhancing officer accountability.

It should be pointed out that the department’s report on body camera use dealt with only three of its divisions. Also noteworthy is the fact that since July 2014, when the Justice Department began investigating alleged corruption and misconduct within the SDPD – including four officers accused of sexual assault on-duty, two on-duty DUIs, and three attempted cover-ups within the agency — 110 officers have resigned from the force. External scrutiny of the department may have induced a small but significant exodus of habitual offenders – but the agency is still doggedly obstructionist.

During a discussion “of when she would release body camera evidence … Zimmerman made an eyebrow-raising observation,” observed the Union-Tribune in a house editorial. “She said that to preserve due process rights for accused individuals, she would withhold evidence from public review not just if a criminal investigation were underway but if there were the possibility of related civil litigation.” That second caveat, of course, “gives police an infinitely elastic rationale for keeping information from the public.”

The ACLU complains that the SDPD continues to provide “figures that tell the story they want to tell – and limit the public’s ability to get a full picture of what’s happening.”

That institutional problem cannot be corrected through technology. While police remain accountability-averse, body camera technology isn’t a panacea – it’s more of a placebo.
0 Replies
bobsal u1553115
Reply Thu 12 Nov, 2015 05:28 pm
Palm Beach Gardens Cop Officer Nouman Raja Fired After Corey Jones Shooting

Source: NBC News

The plainclothes Florida officer who shot and killed musician Corey Jones last month has been fired, the city of Palm Beach Gardens said Thursday.

"The City of Palm Beach Gardens has been cautiously and methodically considering the employment status of Officer Nouman Raja," the city said in a statement. "Therefore, Officer Raja, a probationary employee with the City, has been terminated from employment effective Wednesday, November 11, 2015 at 5:00 PM."

Jones was fatally shot Oct. 18 on the side of a South Florida highway. Jones, who had a gun, never fired his weapon before the officer struck him three times, lawyers for his family have said.

The independent criminal investigation into the shooting incident is ongoing, according to city spokeswoman Candice Temple.

Read more: http://www.nbcnews.com/news/us-news/palm-beach-gardens-cop-officer-nouman-raja-fired-after-corey-n462316

NOV 12 2015, 2:11 PM ET


Breaking story. No more yet at link.
0 Replies
bobsal u1553115
Reply Fri 13 Nov, 2015 07:36 am
Sheriff indicted after a shooting that he called an accident

LAWRENCEVILLE, Ga. — An Atlanta-area sheriff who has long been a magnet for controversy was indicted Thursday on a reckless conduct charge after he shot and critically wounded a woman in what he described as an accident.

A Gwinnett County grand jury on Thursday indicted Clayton County Sheriff Victor Hill on a misdemeanor reckless conduct charge, according to local media reports. Hill has acknowledged shooting Gwenevere McCord in an empty model home in Lawrenceville on May 3. Hill told a 911 operator the shooting was an accident that happened while they were practicing police tactics.

A lawyer for Hill did not immediately respond to an email and phone message seeking comment Thursday.

McCord has recovered from her injuries, local media report.

0 Replies
bobsal u1553115
Reply Sat 14 Nov, 2015 05:58 am
FBI investigating after Idaho deputies shoot, kill rancher
Source: Washington Post

The FBI has launched an investigation into the death of an Idaho rancher who was shot and killed by sheriff’s deputies after one of his bulls was hit by a car and charged emergency crews.

Idaho State Police say Jack Yantis died Nov. 1 after an altercation with two Adams County deputies on a highway. The deputies planned to shoot the injured animal when the 62-year-old rancher arrived with a rifle. Investigators say all of them fired their weapons.

U.S. Attorney Wendy Olson says the FBI’s investigation is separate from the one by state police. Olson says federal authorities are involved because of allegations the deputies used excessive force, which would violate U.S. laws.

The Idaho attorney general and the U.S. Attorney’s Office would independently decide whether to file charges.

Read more: https://www.washingtonpost.com/national/fbi-investigating-after-idaho-deputies-shoot-kill-rancher/2015/11/13/b0177ee4-8a4f-11e5-bd91-d385b244482f_story.html
bobsal u1553115
Reply Sat 14 Nov, 2015 07:13 am

Raging Cop Pulls Random Woman Out of Her Car by Hair, Beats Her in Front of Neighbors


According to witnesses, the cop was drinking heavily at a party and bragging about the fact that he was a police officer.

By John Vibes / The Free Thought Project
November 13, 2015

Oklahoma City, OK – Yukon Police Officer Zachary Dean Bradford, 29, was arrested this week after he allegedly pulled a random woman from a parked car by the hair and punched her repeatedly. After the assault, Bradford reportedly ripped his shirt off and fled the scene.

According to witnesses, Bradford was drinking heavily at a party where he was behaving obnoxiously, making people feel uncomfortable and bragging about the fact that he was a police officer.

“At first when the guy came he was a little too aggressive, a little too pushy,” the homeowner who hosted the party told reporters.

The homeowner did not actually know Bradford personally, but the off-duty officer came as a guest and acquaintance of someone else.

When Bradford finally left the party around 4 am, there was a woman who was sitting in a parked car outside, and that is when he walked right up to her car, knocked on her window and ripped her out of her vehicle by the hair and began pummeling her.

The victim said that she had never met Bradford before and had absolutely no clue why he felt the need to randomly attack her.

Multiple guests at the party witnessed the occurrence and were able to identify the off-duty officer by name when they called the police.

The Yukon Police Department released the following statement:

“We aren’t going to comment further as this is still a pending investigation. The officer was suspended on Saturday, and pending the outcome of the OCPD investigation, he could be terminated.”

Bradford may be on suspension, but he is still getting paid and is still technically employed by the police department until the end of his court case.

John Vibes is an author, researcher and investigative journalist.
0 Replies
Reply Sat 14 Nov, 2015 01:50 pm
@bobsal u1553115,
Good grief!
bobsal u1553115
Reply Sat 14 Nov, 2015 02:20 pm
The whole story is above on page 1. It is truly outrageous and unbelievable.
0 Replies
bobsal u1553115
Reply Sun 15 Nov, 2015 07:16 am

'Reminiscent of Rodney King': San Francisco Cops Investigated After Video Release of Savage Beating of Man

"I don’t see any reason why he couldn’t be handcuffed and taken into custody."

By Matt Agorist / The Free Thought Project
November 14, 2015


Photo Credit: Zoran Karapancev/Shutterstock.com

An investigation into the brutal beating of man in San Francisco’s Mission District has been launched by the Alameda County Sheriff after video showing the savage assault by police went public.

The video was released by the San Francisco Public Defender’s Office on Friday night, after being contacted by witnesses to the vicious attack.

Pulling no punches, Public Defender Jeff Adachi said the encounter was “reminiscent of Rodney King,” and excessive force was clearly used by the two deputies.

According to a report by The San Francisco Chronicle:

The video shows the deputies chasing after a man at the corner of Clinton Park and Stevenson Street at about 2:05 a.m. Thursday. One deputy jumps on the man, knocking him down, and goes on to punch him twice while he was still on the ground.

He gets off as the second deputy pulls out his baton, and uses it to strike the man on the head. The video jumps 10 seconds to both deputies using their batons on the man as he struggled on his knees and screamed for help.

The video jumps once more to show the man on his knees with his hands on his head, and one deputy pushing him to the ground so he and the other deputy could continue hitting him with their batons.

A spokesman for the Alameda County Sheriff’s Office, Sgt. J.D. Nelson, attempted to excuse the vile behavior of the cops caught on video by claiming that the beating with police batons was the result of a 38-minute car chase; as if that would justify the cops’ actions.

Forwarding the police narrative, Nelson said deputies approached a man sitting in a stolen car at 1:30 a.m. on Thursday, at which time the man knocked down and injured one deputy while attempting to ram two police cruisers, disabling one. At this point the second officer was able to give chase in a damaged patrol car, Nelson said.

“Then we start on a 38-minute chase that went from San Leandro, to Oakland, through the streets of Oakland, onto the freeway, over the Bay Bridge and through downtown San Francisco and finally onto Stevenson Street, where the man crashes his car and gets out and starts running,” Nelson said.

To further attempt to justify the beat down, Nelson said that police believed the man was armed and that police recovered a gun, but didn’t know where the gun was found.

It must be noted that a common police tactic, used as a means of providing legitimacy for violent actions, is to carry “throw away” weapons. These weapons have their serial numbers removed, are concealable, and are often used in circumstances where disciplinary action would result. In essence, they’re a “get out of jail free” card for cops.

In addition to all the other excuses for beating the man with batons, the deputies claimed that they believed the man to be on drugs and that they were unsure what he was capable of doing, according to Nelson.

Adachi was clear about what he saw transpire in the video, regardless of the plethora of excuses forwarded by the police to potentially justify this Rodney King-like beating.

“From what you can see on the video, he’s turning the corner and they’re able to subdue him. They clearly had him on the ground. He didn’t pose any threat at that point, and they are clearly using excessive force and trying to seriously hurt him when he was on the ground and subdued.”

The beaten man was transported to San Francisco General Hospital, and was subsequently released and booked into the Santa Rita Jail.

“I don’t see any reason why he couldn’t be handcuffed and taken into custody. The blows, after they took him to the ground, were excessive by any measure, any standard. It’s shocking to see,” said Adachi.

Watch the video below, uploaded to YouTube:
0 Replies

Related Topics

  1. Forums
  2. » The Day Ferguson Cops Were Caught in a Bloody Lie part 2
Copyright © 2024 MadLab, LLC :: Terms of Service :: Privacy Policy :: Page generated in 0.03 seconds on 03/01/2024 at 09:18:11