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2004 Elections: Democratic Party Contenders

 
 
cicerone imposter
 
  1  
Reply Wed 18 Feb, 2004 06:28 pm
Here's one republican juggernaut; "National Debt Tops $7 Trillion

By Jonathan Nicholson

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The U.S. government's national debt -- the accumulation of past budget shortfalls -- totaled more than $7 trillion for the first time as of Tuesday, according to a Treasury Department (news - web sites) report.

In its daily financial statement released on Wednesday, the Treasury said the U.S. debt subject to a congressionally set limit totaled $7.015 trillion, up from $6.983 trillion on Friday. The government was closed on Monday for the Presidents Day holiday.

While passing the $7 trillion mark itself has little practical significance, not unlike a car's odometer rolling over, it may signal some tough political times for President Bush (news - web sites)'s administration on fiscal policy.

The government debt ceiling stands only a few hundred billion dollars ahead at $7.384 trillion, and Treasury would need Congress's blessing to borrow beyond that. Treasury officials say they expect the limit to be hit sometime between June and October."
0 Replies
 
Brand X
 
  1  
Reply Wed 18 Feb, 2004 06:32 pm
Interesting reading on the Dean blog, I guess most of the Deaniacs will get over it and vote for Kerry as they cringe.

I would demand my money back after all he blew, he didn't even know who he was running against. In over a dozen speeches he mentioned taking the country and the flag back from Rush Limbaugh.
0 Replies
 
Craven de Kere
 
  1  
Reply Wed 18 Feb, 2004 06:34 pm
nimh wrote:
First, you're sure there are precedents for the "frontrunner" to do twice as badly among Independents than among Democrats in the primaries - and yet go on to win them over for the general elections, after all?


I did not say that, but to answer your question, yes I am sure there are precedents to what I actually did say.
0 Replies
 
nimh
 
  1  
Reply Wed 18 Feb, 2004 06:42 pm
I was going to add a link to that last paragraph, the "bubble" one, and look what I came across on:

TNR Campaign Journal wrote:
[..] Wisconsin's was the closest to an approximation of the general election. The number of voters who participated--more than 800,000--is far more than any of the previous 16 contests. [A]ny registered voter could participate, and Edwards won the voters a Democrat will most need in November. Almost 30 percent of the voters were Republicans or independents, and Edwards won both groups by wide margins. But most importantly, in Wisconsin, Edwards won the demographic most important to the future of Democrats: white men. [..] Edwards won all the demographics that will provide the margin of victory for a successful Democrat in November.


I swear I hadnt read this before I posted my own comments ...

I guess that what I was taking from the exit polls wasn't so much 'reading too much into it', as perhaps rather 'stating the obvious'.

The item above predicts a tight race to come:

Quote:
Now that the race has turned into a two-man contest, the question going forward is which candidate has the greater potential to eat into the other's base of voters? Clearly, it's Edwards. He is in the unusual position of being a populist candidate attacking Kerry from the left on free trade, yet drawing the bulk of his support from conservative, high income, and non-union Democrats. [..] Kerry beat Edwards in the big cities and rural areas, while Edwards carried the suburbs.

In other words, the kind of Democrats who should have voted for a candidate like Edwards didn't. The reason? Electability. Kerry destroyed Edwards among the 48 percent of the electorate that said experience and the ability to beat Bush were their top priorities in a candidate. Voters who actually care more about the issues, especially the economy and jobs, supported Edwards.

But Kerry's electability argument is fragile. It's already been damaged by Edwards' strong showing. The more Edwards can prove that he's just as electable as Kerry, the more he can [..] start to peel off the rank-and-file Democrats [..] backing Kerry more with their heads than their hearts. A significant chunk of Kerry voters actually agree with Edwards more than Kerry. They just need to be convinced he can win.

The other potential source of support is Dean voters, now that their candidate is dropping out. The exit polls show that former Dean supporters split about evenly between Kerry and Edwards, but anecdotal evidence suggests that the remaining Dean voters out there are the Kool-Aid drinking core. These people hate Kerry [..]

In Wisconsin, Kerry had a chance to prove decisively that he was the most electable Democrat. He didn't do it.
0 Replies
 
Craven de Kere
 
  1  
Reply Wed 18 Feb, 2004 06:54 pm
nimh wrote:
I guess that what I was taking from the exit polls wasn't so much 'reading too much into it', as perhaps rather 'stating the obvious'.


We'll have to agree to disagree if you think that. <shrugs>
0 Replies
 
nimh
 
  1  
Reply Wed 18 Feb, 2004 07:00 pm
Craven de Kere wrote:
nimh wrote:
First, you're sure there are precedents for the "frontrunner" to do twice as badly among Independents than among Democrats in the primaries - and yet go on to win them over for the general elections, after all?


I did not say that [..]


Yeah. I actually edited out a sentence in my post that was to have anticipated on you saying that.

Thing is, the whole long-winded point I'd been making was that the exit polls seem to confirm that Kerry is actually the less electable candidate - what, with Independents massively leaning against him and all.

You told me I was "reading too much into" that - after all, lots of frontrunners have the Independents going against them.

Now it's true, you "did not say" that there were actually frontrunners who had that happen to them, but still went on to win the general elections, anyway. But yeh - otherwise, what was your point? There may well have been frontrunners who had the Independents go against them in the primaries, won the nomination anyway, and then lost the general elections because they still couldnt win them over. That would just prove my point, though. <shrugs>

All that was elliptically implied in my bottom-line question - about whether there are precedents for the primaries "frontrunner" to do this badly among Independents - and yet still go on to win them over for the general elections. And you thought I just go on and on here without trying to cut myself short sometimes.
0 Replies
 
nimh
 
  1  
Reply Wed 18 Feb, 2004 07:07 pm
Craven de Kere wrote:
nimh wrote:
I guess that what I was taking from the exit polls wasn't so much 'reading too much into it', as perhaps rather 'stating the obvious'.


We'll have to agree to disagree if you think that. <shrugs>


I don't know whether I'm merely stating the obvious. But if someone else independently comes to the exact same conclusions as me about those exit polls, I'm not, apparently, saying something notably original.
0 Replies
 
Craven de Kere
 
  1  
Reply Wed 18 Feb, 2004 07:09 pm
nimh wrote:

Thing is, the whole long-winded point I'd been making was that the exit polls seem to confirm that Kerry is actually the less electable candidate - what, with Independents massively leaning against him and all.


I know, and it's this conclusion that I disagree with. Not the polling data.

Quote:
You told me I was "reading too much into" that - after all, lots of frontrunners have the Independents going against them.

Now it's true, you "didn't say" that there were actually frontrunners who had that happen to them, but still went on to win, anyway. But yeh - otherwise, what was your point?


You are right, there would be no point unless they won. In the examples I had in mind they did. Either way it'd not prove a point. It's not possible to tell whether it's a chicken or an egg.

One could say that the type of person independents are attracted to generally does not become the front runner or you could say that independents are influenced by who is the front runner.

Quote:
There may well have been frontrunners who had the Independents go against them in the primaries, won the nomination anyway, and then lost the general elections because they still couldnt win them over. That would only prove my point, though. <shrugs>


Actually neither would prove anything. That's why I say you read too much into the polling data.

There can't be an apples to apples comparison. Either way, we'd be comparing what is against what might have been.
0 Replies
 
nimh
 
  1  
Reply Wed 18 Feb, 2004 07:24 pm
Craven de Kere wrote:
Actually neither would prove anything. That's why I say you read too much into the polling data.


The election results - cause thats what we're talking about here, these are exit polls - are the only hard data we have to go on. Its just that and our own personal estimation and that of the punters.

On the Independents thing, Bush would be an example of someone who trailed badly among them in the primaries (against McCain), then won anyway. Though barely. Mondale (against Hart) would be a counter-example.

But again, its not just the Independents. I think its fair to say that any Dem candidate whose electoral impact on white men, waverers, suburbians and independents is weak, is going to have a hard time getting elected in his own right.

Then again, I'm still betting that this election will be a referendum on the Bush administration more than anything else, and to that extent it doesnt matter whether the Dems would put up Kerry, Edwards, Gephardt ...
0 Replies
 
cicerone imposter
 
  1  
Reply Wed 18 Feb, 2004 07:24 pm
Besides, it's still early to tell who's gonna be the front-runner.
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fbaezer
 
  1  
Reply Wed 18 Feb, 2004 07:31 pm
nimh, I also have the impression you have read too much into the polling data.
I shall add that it looks as if your posts and conclussions could perfectly be made in Edwards' war-room.

1. Elections in countries with non-compulsory voting and weak party loyalty can be won two ways: by attracting a wide variety of voters (across gender, race, income and other lines) or by attracting a solid constituency (by making the people who simpathize with you actually make the effort to vote). So getting the white middle-age middle-class suburban male non Bush-hater into your field may or may not be crucial. This is not how electability is measured.

2. As I understand -correct me if I'm wrong- Wisconsin primaries are not among registered democrats. Anyone can vote.
This reminded me of November 1999. I voted in the PRI primary in Mexico. I wanted the PRI out of office. So I voted for the runner-up against the top candidate. To weaken them.
It turned out that 41% of those voting for the runner-up in those open primaries ended up voting for other parties in the general election.
Why can't it be the case in Wisconsin?
You cite the obvious as if that could make a case. Kerry trailed Edwards among self-described Republicans. Hell, if Kerry means trouble and Bush is certainly the GOP candidate, as a Republican I would want to put pebbles on Kerry's track and, thus, vote for Edwards.
Just how many of those self-described republicans are white, middle-class suburban males? Don't you think they can make the difference in those categories?
A multiple regression of the database can prove or disprove. We don't have the database. So we can only speculate and I, for one, think that this time, as an exception, nimh, you don't have a point.
0 Replies
 
nimh
 
  1  
Reply Wed 18 Feb, 2004 08:42 pm
fbaezer wrote:
I shall add that it looks as if your posts and conclussions could perfectly be made in Edwards' war-room.


Rest assured, I dont work for Edwards, Bush or TNR. <shakes head>

I've been reading, and reading, and reading. I've come to very strong conclusions about Kerry - and strong, though mixed, opinions about Dean. I havent, actually, got very strong opinions on Edwards himself. I see the trends that point his way as an indication of Kerry's weaknesses, rather than Edwards' strengths.

fbaezer wrote:
1. Elections in countries with non-compulsory voting and weak party loyalty can be won two ways: by attracting a wide variety of voters (across gender, race, income and other lines) or by attracting a solid constituency (by making the people who simpathize with you actually make the effort to vote). So getting the white middle-age middle-class suburban male non Bush-hater into your field may or may not be crucial. This is not how electability is measured.


That argument - about 2004 elections being about rallying the base rather than converting the floating voters - has been beaten to death by the Dean camp in the half year up to the Iowa caucuses. IMHO (and a bunch of punters with me), the Iowa (and subsequent N.H.) caucuses/primaries exposed the logic for its apparent flaws. Wrote about that at length before, no reason to repeat again here.

fbaezer wrote:
2. As I understand -correct me if I'm wrong- Wisconsin primaries are not among registered democrats. Anyone can vote.
This reminded me of November 1999. I voted in the PRI primary in Mexico. I wanted the PRI out of office. So I voted for the runner-up against the top candidate. To weaken them.
It turned out that 41% of those voting for the runner-up in those open primaries ended up voting for other parties in the general election.
Why can't it be the case in Wisconsin? [etc]


I may be attaching too much value to the exit polls on the election results that I'm posting here, but I wish - sorry - that you would at least read them before elaborating speculative criticism about my use of them.

Yes, as I pointed out myself, and Timber did as well, there were Republicans/Conservatives who took part in the WI primaries just to troll. A lot of them voted for Dean, who did better among Republicans than among Dems or Independents, heh. 5% of those who voted were "enthusiastic" about the Bush administration. 9% of the voters were Republicans. 15% were self-described Conservatives.

But those numbers are obviously too small to tilt the results in the way you suggest. Lemme quote someone who says it better than me:

Noam Scheiber wrote:
One possibility is that the Republicans who crossed over and voted in the Wisconsin primary are distorting the results. We know that Edwards did very well among Republicans last night (winning them 44-18), and we also know that Republicans tend to be relatively affluent. It's possible that all those affluent liberals I'm assuming supported John Edwards were actually Republicans in disguise. But I doubt it. Republicans made up only nine percent of yesterday's vote, while people making above $75,000 accounted for about 25 percent of the vote, and people making above $50,000 accounted for about 50 percent of the vote. It doesn't seem like Republicans could account for a large enough fraction of these categories to drive the trend we're seeing.
(link)
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nimh
 
  1  
Reply Wed 18 Feb, 2004 08:43 pm
Finally, let me point out that I have made no arguments on the basis of polls alone, here. In this thread and the "lies and foibles of John Kerry" thread, you'll find that I'm consistently using polls to doublecheck, illustrate and confirm - and at times, such as with Kerry's unexpected WI blue-collar support, to disprove - my independently argued theories about why Kerry is the worse candidate. But, barring the notable exception, I'm hearing preciously little in the ways of actual counter-arguments.

Why is Kerry more electable than Edwards (or Clark, or Gephardt, for that matter), 'ccording to y'all? Sozobe had some elaborate things to say on this, but otherwise the responses have been overwhelmingly along the lines of platitudes like "ah, you cant trust polls" or "well, its easy to criticize the frontrunner" (or even, "you sound clueless about America"). But though the polls themselves should be relativated, they provide plenty of leads that confirm otherwise argued concerns about Kerry, and those at least, deserve to be addressed.

Thus far, the main argument I've heard about Kerry's electability (apart from 'Nam), is that he's won thus far - and in swing states, too. But primaries are no general elections - winning over Democrat voters in primaries doesnt prove one's ability to beat a Republican incumbent in the real elections - ask Mondale. Now, winning over waverers or marginal voters in those primaries (independents, last-minute deciders) does, imho, indicate a little more about extra-party appeal, which is why I've been focusing on that.

Let me end on a provocative and arrogant note, and quote Scheiber again on an alternative explanation for why people share my doubts about Kerry:

Quote:
My own hunch is that what we're seeing is an important divide between less sophisticated voters and more sophisticated voters. Just about the only thing less sophisticated voters [..] know about John Kerry is that he's been winning, and possibly that he's a longtime Senator and a Vietnam veteran. On the other hand, more sophisticated voters [..] have probably paid attention to the campaign long enough to know that, in addition to these things, Kerry's from Massachusetts (not exactly a presidential breeding ground of late), tilts to the liberal end of the ideological spectrum, and tends to be kind of boring and long-winded. Which is to say, less affluent, less educated voters are looking at John Kerry's string of primary victories and concluding from them that he's electable. More affluent, better educated voters are actually watching debates and reading newspapers. And they're concluding from these things that Edwards--who is neither from Massachusetts nor a liberal nor boring--is actually more electable. (Particularly after many of these newspapers endorse Edwards, as the two biggest papers in Wisconsin recently did.)
0 Replies
 
Craven de Kere
 
  1  
Reply Wed 18 Feb, 2004 09:52 pm
nimh wrote:
Craven de Kere wrote:
Actually neither would prove anything. That's why I say you read too much into the polling data.


The election results - cause thats what we're talking about here, these are exit polls - are the only hard data we have to go on. Its just that and our own personal estimation and that of the punters.


But the "hard data" can be conflicting. Watch:

This is on the home page of pollingreport.com

http://www.pollingreport.com/images/CBSgenl.GIF

So by this "hard data" Kerry would be the most electable. But I don't read that much into it. You are right to call it "hard data" and like any statistic it is the conclusions you draw from it that matter. I disagree with those conclusions.

Quote:
But again, its not just the Independents. I think its fair to say that any Dem candidate whose electoral impact on white men, waverers, suburbians and independents is weak, is going to have a hard time getting elected in his own right.


Then why is this the person who is leading most overall polls in a hypothetical matchup? If the groups you mention are so crucial (which I agree they are) why does this net a Kerry victory and an Edwards defeat?

I agree with the reasoning that the opinion among independents is important. But I don't think the simplification of the swing vote is just.

The "independents" that are voting in primaries are not the same class of Americans that will be deciding the elections. The election will be among a less pollitically inclined group. There will be Republicans too, and I don't think you can be certain that people who are following politics right now and people going to the Dems primaries are a good prediction of what the general voting public will feel in a matchup against Bush.

Quote:
Why is Kerry more electable than Edwards (or Clark, or Gephardt, for that matter), 'ccording to y'all? Sozobe had some elaborate things to say on this, but otherwise the responses have been overwhelmingly along the lines of platitudes like "ah, you cant trust polls" or "well, its easy to criticize the frontrunner" (or even, "you sound clueless about America").


First of all let me say that I agree very much with all of those arguments you used about yourself. Mr. Green

For the most part I agreed with sozobe, I have little to say that she hasn't already said. I doubt your conclusion that Kerry is "Kerry is the worse candidate", I think there's a lot of ambiguous data in your support for them and a lot of leaps of faith in the interpretation of the polling data.

1) You cite polls to "confirm" that Kerry is the worst but at the same time polls can be used to illustrate that Kerry is currently much more electable against Bush.

See the poll:

http://www.pollingreport.com/images/CBSgenl.GIF

Personally, I don't think this "confirms" my disagreement with you about whether Kerry is the worst or not. But it does illustrate that "confirmation" by poll is cheap.

But incidentally this is related to another two points I'd like to make.

2) You are giving weight to the exit polls of one party. This is a very small segment of the population and such an isolated and atypical (remember that these are the most politically oriented people around) data sampling can be misleading.

If the election were decided soley by the group you cite your conclusions about electability might be right on target. But the truth is that the election will be decided by a wider audience, and not the isolated group which is people going to Democratic primaries.

The poll above among a breader spectrum (all registered voters) plainly contradicts the position that Kerry is the worst. And while I don't think the poll means much I will note that it does illustrate one thing that I think is a flaw in the poll readings.

This election will be determined by a lot of people who aren't really following it yet. Some of the data samples like the exit polls tell less than half the story. There's also the Republican half. In poll data that includes everyone in hypothetical matchups that are likely (e.g. Bush against ______ instead of Kerry vs. pre-spotlight Edwards) a very different story is told.

3) You pit Kerry vs Edwards, but the ultimate matchup is most likely going to be between someone and Bush.

A poll about Kerry vs Edwards might have little bearing on a decision between Bush and someone.

I agreed with a lot of what Sozobe said. For better or worse Kerry is seen as strong in some areas that are a weakness in a matchup against Bush. The dynamics of comparing the people changes depending on how they are matched up. I am less convinced that you on the validity of data comparing Edwards to Kerry (which is what the primaries poll data was, in effect) translates to your conclusions about Kerry being the worst in a matchup against Bush.

I also agree with something similar to a point sozobe came close to making.

She said that Edwards hasn't felt the fire. And yes you can say that Kerry hasn't yet seen it as well but either way, you can't tell what some possible weaknesses are until the person becomes a front runner. Kerry's ascention was parallel to the rise in the criticism of Kerry. Right now I see few holes in Edward's armour but if he were the frontrunner I bet there'd be a few twists and surprises.

It's not a "its easy to criticize the frontrunner" argument. I'm saying that things come out against people when they are the front runner. Dean was the big bad guy right up to the point when Kerry became the front runner. The front runner also has to focus on the incumbent. This can alienate some independents who disagree with Bush but on different points than the front runner highlights.

To use jargon, no serious political capital has been used against Edwards yet. We are seeing a little used against Kerry. I think Edwards' weaknesses are an unknown. Edwards hasn't been put into a serious spotlight yet. He's not "Jay Leno tested". The current opinion of him might not have any relation to the opinion of him if he were pitted against Bush.

In a matchup against Bush I think Kerry has fewer overall weaknesses. I understand that you think differently but I don't accept the polling data you cite as a confirmation.

The support for the underdog might have something to do with the underdog status itself and not an inherent characteristic. I doubt that is the whole story but it is one example of a conflicting interpretation. The poll in which the overall registered voters show Kerry in the lead over Edwards and Bush himself are another conflicting dataset.

I don't know that Kerry is the best candidate. But I have a problem with the support you cite for your argument that he is the worst. I think certain data subsets are being given too much importance (i.e. reading too much into it).
0 Replies
 
Craven de Kere
 
  1  
Reply Wed 18 Feb, 2004 10:02 pm
nimh wrote:
Let me end on a provocative and arrogant note, and quote Scheiber again on an alternative explanation for why people share my doubts about Kerry:

Quote:
My own hunch is that what we're seeing is an important divide between less sophisticated voters and more sophisticated voters. Just about the only thing less sophisticated voters [..] know about John Kerry is that he's been winning, and possibly that he's a longtime Senator and a Vietnam veteran. On the other hand, more sophisticated voters [..] have probably paid attention to the campaign long enough to know that, in addition to these things, Kerry's from Massachusetts (not exactly a presidential breeding ground of late), tilts to the liberal end of the ideological spectrum, and tends to be kind of boring and long-winded. Which is to say, less affluent, less educated voters are looking at John Kerry's string of primary victories and concluding from them that he's electable. More affluent, better educated voters are actually watching debates and reading newspapers. And they're concluding from these things that Edwards--who is neither from Massachusetts nor a liberal nor boring--is actually more electable. (Particularly after many of these newspapers endorse Edwards, as the two biggest papers in Wisconsin recently did.)


This (the bold part) is actually the very notion what elicited the "clueless" retort.

If you think the election is decided by "more affluent, better educated voters" who "are actually watching debates and reading newspapers" I think there is a discrepancy between this image of America and what it is really like.

I've long thought that you are giving Americans too much credit to get the criticisms you have about Kerry (e.g. that he's running on his own self-image).

I think sozobe made the same point, that we don't necessarily think Kerry is the best man, but that we think he'd play well in the age of image against Bush.

For example: if Kerry's war heroics are overrated then Bush's military posing is downright comical.

I'm putting a lot of weight on the image matchups. I think it makes a big difference these days.

[obscure joke]Put an eye patch on Kerry, I'm banking on a Hathaway election/[/obscure joke]

This is why I think it's off, I think you go deeper than the election will be.
0 Replies
 
bocdaver
 
  1  
Reply Thu 19 Feb, 2004 01:02 am
The data concering the match up of Bush and Kerry is persuasive.

Senator Kerry will certainly beat Bush in 2004.

He is presdential. He is smart. He is positively Lincolnesque. He has money. He is a bonfide war hero.

My only fear is that Kerry will beat Bush but the Senate and the House will remain in Republican hands. That would be disasterous.

One has only to recall the wrong headed decisions made by a president whose heart was in the right place, Bill Clinton, but who had no backing from a hostile Congress. Clinton, after all, betrayed his core by backing welfare reform and NAFTA.

It is absolutely essential that when Senator Kerry becomes president he has coat tails which are broad enough to ensure that the House and Senate will become Democratic also.

At this time, that appears to be an almost forlorn hope.
0 Replies
 
nimh
 
  1  
Reply Thu 19 Feb, 2004 07:53 am
Craven de Kere wrote:
But the "hard data" can be conflicting. Watch:

This is on the home page of pollingreport.com

[CBS News - General election trial heats]

So by this "hard data" Kerry would be the most electable. But I don't read that much into it. You are right to call it "hard data" and like any statistic it is the conclusions you draw from it that matter. I disagree with those conclusions.


No, I dont actually (call this "hard data"). Exit polls, yes. These opinion polls, no. They're interesting and useful indicators - but not hard data. Exit polls more or less are.

On opinion polls, it seems everyone either overestimates or underestimates 'em. They are snapshots of current emotion. To that extent, they provide indicators of what direction developments are going in. The change in polls is more important than the numbers of any individual poll. Its nonsense to say, ah, they dont mean a thing, but they're no more than what they are: snapshots.

Two. The more specific a poll, the more value it has. General national snapshots provide less clues than breakdowns by specific categories and states. Because national polls include people in states where the primaries have gotten only superficial coverage as well as those where the voters have seen it all. And because if you have a group-specific picture, you can extrapolate to some extent which way crucial voting blocks are trending - which will show up in the national, cover-all polls later. And because of another reason, that I'll come to below.

Anyway. Main point here is that you're comparing different beasts. Polls measure fleeting voting intentions (e.g. "which candidate are you leaning to"), exit polls measure how people actually voted - post-fact. Of course some respondents can still lie, but they tend to be on-target. What exit polls measure is how the nebulous preferences expressed in opinion polls actually break down when decision time comes.

Thats an important distinction, and makes it a much more useful tool. Especially if it concerns Wisconsin, which, as a swing state, represents mainstream America much better than, say, WA or SC.

Craven de Kere wrote:
The "independents" that are voting in primaries are not the same class of Americans that will be deciding the elections. The election will be among a less pollitically inclined group. [..] You are giving weight to the exit polls of one party. This is a very small segment of the population and such an isolated and atypical (remember that these are the most politically oriented people around) data sampling can be misleading.


Actually, if any primary would have given a clue, it'd have been this one. Turnout was much higher than for the other Democratic primaries this year. It was an open primary. In all, a quarter of the WI voting age population (VAP) went to the primaries. The REP primary turnout was bizarrely low, suggesting most solid Republicans didnt go - which means that on the part of the VAP that might actually vote Dem, turnout was significantly higher, still. I'd say at least half of the people who might vote Dem in the general elections, came out now.

In the other thread, you said,

Craven de Kere wrote:
Personally, I think the critical facts are obscured by all the data and polls. To me the critical fact is how the EC will break down. To me it's not just "swing voters" but "swing voters in swing states".


You called this the "S.V.S.S. criteria". Well, here you have exit polls measuring how swing voters (measured as, for example, voters who are "satisfied, but not enthusiastic about Bush"), in a swing state, actually voted. And they broke overwhelmingly against Kerry. How is that irrelevant, according to your own criteria?

Now of course, if Bush fucks up badly enough, they could still opt for him over Bush come general election times. But Kerry apparently is not the candidate who excites them into an easy choice if they end up wavering.

Quote:
Then why is this the person who is leading most overall polls in a hypothetical matchup? If the groups you mention are so crucial (which I agree they are) why does this net a Kerry victory and an Edwards defeat? [..] The poll above among a breader spectrum (all registered voters) plainly contradicts the position that Kerry is the worst. And while I don't think the poll means much I will note that it does illustrate one thing that I think is a flaw in the poll readings.


Actually, we talked about this at length before. And the point to make here is this. These match-up polls are useful in measuring how the mood turns from or away Bush resp. the main Democratic candidate. But they are more problematic (not useless, just more problematic) in comparing how different Dem candidates perform. That's because the frontrunner tends to do best, whoever he is. He is perceived as a winner, the competent one, the rallying point - and sometimes, he's the only one people know, and who's going to prefer a relative unknown against an incumbent president?

Note that even Dean at some point in time was the guy doing best against Bush among the Dem candidates, when he was destined to clench the nomination. For a long time into the primaries, even as Lieberman disappeared from the radar in Iowa and N.H., national polls had him out in the front. Thats cause out in Georgia or Idaho, away from the primary coverage, he was still the only Democrat who was well known and hazily perceived as the competent guy.

I.e., when you refer to "hypothetical matchups [..] (e.g. Bush against ______ instead of Kerry vs. pre-spotlight Edwards)", note that it's exactly the "spotlight" part that, thus far, has gotten a Dem candidate to perform well in a hypethetical match-up against Bush.

Not that there aren't any conclusions to be drawn here. When Dean was frontrunner, he at best eeked out his fellow-contenders in such match-ups; now that Kerry is the front-runner, he is leaps ahead of his contenders. So Kerry is shown more "electable" than Dean. But Edwards, we just dont know, cause he hasnt had the chance yet to be projected on in this way.

Craven de Kere wrote:
She said that Edwards hasn't felt the fire. And yes you can say that Kerry hasn't yet seen it as well but either way, you can't tell what some possible weaknesses are until the person becomes a front runner. [..] Right now I see few holes in Edward's armour but if he were the frontrunner I bet there'd be a few twists and surprises. [..] To use jargon, no serious political capital has been used against Edwards yet.


Agreed.

Though, again, with a 20-year Congressional record, with all the position reversals that brings, representing a very liberal state, Kerry just has a longer potentially embarassing history to be shot at. Yes, thats unfair. But thats why few Washington veterans make it into the Presidency. A relatively blank record can be a liability (lack of experience), but also a blessing. Personally, I think someone more experienced than Edwards, but with less of a track record than Kerry would have been a lot better ... <sighs>
0 Replies
 
nimh
 
  1  
Reply Thu 19 Feb, 2004 08:21 am
Craven de Kere wrote:
This (the bold part) is actually the very notion what elicited the "clueless" retort.

If you think the election is decided by "more affluent, better educated voters" who "are actually watching debates and reading newspapers" I think there is a discrepancy between this image of America and what it is really like.


I think the point Scheiber was making was that the small minority who "actually watched the debate" is ahead a # of months of the larger body of voters.

I doubt an American reporter would be as clueless to submit that his fellow-compatriots will all start reading the NYT before November. But his fellow-voters, especially those outside, say, Wisconsin, will start to pay a lot more attention to the election race than they've given it thus far. And those who already paid attention now are likely to know a little more already about what they'll be finding out.

I think thats about where that point went. You might have read too much into it ;-)
0 Replies
 
Craven de Kere
 
  1  
Reply Thu 19 Feb, 2004 11:34 am
nimh wrote:

No, I dont actually (call this "hard data"). Exit polls, yes. These opinion polls, no. They're interesting and useful indicators - but not hard data. Exit polls more or less are.


Ok, well I disagree. Like I said, I think you are selective with what polling data you think relevant.

Quote:
Its nonsense to say, ah, they dont mean a thing, but they're no more than what they are: snapshots.


Yes, and as opposed to the numbers you cite it's a snapshot of all the groups. In the sum of the whole your conclusions that Kerry is the worst could not be further from the truth. In fact this "snapshot" shows Kerry at number 1.

For you to "confirm" your position that Kerry is the worst you have to resort to smaller snapshots. In these smaller snapshots Kerry is usually winning as well so you have to find even smaller slices of negative data.

So no matter how you describe the data, almost every single time your assertion that Kerry is the "worst" is not bourne out.

So even when Kerry wins you have to select smaller subsets of data to find negatives.

I bet fbaezer can say more about this because of his work with political polls but I really do think you are seizing on nuggets that are not big enough to extrapolate.

Quote:
Two. The more specific a poll, the more value it has.


Not when inappropriately generalized.

For example, a very specific poll among nambla members on pedophilia can't be held to be valuable when generalizing about the public.

Likewise I maintain that polling data from people from small segments from individual states from one party can't be extrapolated to the whole country with much accuracy at all.

Quote:
General national snapshots provide less clues than breakdowns by specific categories and states.


They provide a clue about the total. And in this case the clue is that your math doesn't add up. You are taking pockets of data and saying it adds up to showing that Kerry is the worst candidate but when they are really added up it is showing that he's the best by far.

Even in the smaller subsets of data Kerry is shown leading. so you have to use even less sound data samples to find your negatives.

Quote:
And because if you have a group-specific picture, you can extrapolate to some extent which way crucial voting blocks are trending - which will show up in the national, cover-all polls later.


This is getting to be very convoluted. Your math doesn't add up now but it'll add up later and the polling data you like is hard data while the rest is snapshots.

Well, you are entitled to your opinion.

Quote:
Anyway. Main point here is that you're comparing different beasts. Polls measure fleeting voting intentions (e.g. "which candidate are you leaning to"), exit polls measure how people actually voted - post-fact. Of course some respondents can still lie, but they tend to be on-target. What exit polls measure is how the nebulous preferences expressed in opinion polls actually break down when decision time comes.

Thats an important distinction, and makes it a much more useful tool. Especially if it concerns Wisconsin, which, as a swing state, represents mainstream America much better than, say, WA or SC.


Yes, and your data set is so limited that it is very questionable.

1) It represents only one party.

2) It represents only the most political people in the state holding the primary.

Frankly I think that when you extrapolate based on this limited data set and ignore and dismiss larger datasets you do so in error.

Mcuh of the appeal we see in Kerry is the appeal we think he could have to the other side. We think he can best deflect what will come from them, the people represented in none of your favorite polls and the people who are represented in the polls showing Kerry as leading the whole pack.

Quote:
Actually, if any primary would have given a clue, it'd have been this one. Turnout was much higher than for the other Democratic primaries this year. It was an open primary.


You STILL miss the point. They were was Democratic primaries. What seems clueless about these calculations is that Democrats will not decide on a president by themselves.

Confirming your position based on segments of the most political segment of the population that shows up for one party's primary is really really shoddy work.

Quote:
In all, a quarter of the WI voting age population (VAP) went to the primaries. The REP primary turnout was bizarrely low, suggesting most solid Republicans didnt go - which means that on the part of the VAP that might actually vote Dem, turnout was significantly higher, still. I'd say at least half of the people who might vote Dem in the general elections, came out now.


And I'd still say that you are pulling those calculations out of the air. And stringing them together to contradict what similar data that refutes your position.

The method you use to conclude that half of the people who "might vote Dem" came out is called assumption plus assumption = my opinion.

Quote:
You called this the "S.V.S.S. criteria". Well, here you have exit polls measuring how swing voters (measured as, for example, voters who are "satisfied, but not enthusiastic about Bush"), in a swing state, actually voted.[/color] And they broke overwhelmingly against Kerry. How is that irrelevant, according to your own criteria?


I never said it was irrelevant nimh. I said that you read too much into it.

1) It was the primary for ONE PARTY nimh. There will, of course be TWO PARTIES in the running for president.

2) Edwards has not been the front runner. The data you use to "confirm" that Kerry is the "worst" candidate could just as easily be data saying that the "independents" tend to side with underdogs.

Quote:
Now of course, if Bush fucks up badly enough, they could still opt for him over Bush come general election times. But Kerry apparently is not the candidate who excites them into an easy choice if they end up wavering.


And perhaps the reason is that he is the front runner. You have no basis upon which to assume that if Edwards and Kerry's roles were reversed that these opinions wouldn't be different.

Quote:
Actually, we talked about this at length before. And the point to make here is this. These match-up polls are useful in measuring how the mood turns from or away Bush resp. the main Democratic candidate. But they are more problematic (not useless, just more problematic) in comparing how different Dem candidates perform.


Sez you, again basing this on nothing but your own opinion.

Secondly, a strong case can be made that the intra-partisan matchup polls are more useful. The dynamics of a matchup against different candidates changes things drastically.

Pitting Kerry against Edwards is not the same as pitting them against Bush.

In the primaries polling Edwards and Kerry were against each other. Kerry won almost every single time. So you select even smaller subsets of data to seize upon.

Even if your assumptions that the people who vote in Democratic primaries are representative of the overall opinion is sound it is sill data based on Kerry vs. Edwards.

What you don't seem to even be aware of is that it's entirely possible for Person A to come out on top vs Person B while Person B is a better person to run against Person C.

Just about anything positive seen about Kerry relates to him mathcing up against Bush. Not against a Dem.

The only data you have about Kerry matching up with Bush shows Kerry as the best person of all the candidates to do so. This is a decided contrast from your claim that he is the worst.

Now I agree that the polls that show Kerry as the best are not conclusive. But I think there is some really sloppy work in your conclusion that Kerry is the worst (at least as far as you use polling data to confirm it).

Quote:
That's because the frontrunner tends to do best, whoever he is. He is perceived as a winner, the competent one, the rallying point - and sometimes, he's the only one people know, and who's going to prefer a relative unknown against an incumbent president?


Perhaps the underdog is attractive to the "independents". Perhaps they frequently avoid voting for and siding with front runners until they are forced to.

Quote:
Note that even Dean at some point in time was the guy doing best against Bush among the Dem candidates, when he was destined to clench the nomination.


This never happend in the reality I observe. Dean was never poised to clench anything but his bum. Laughing

Quote:
Not that there aren't any conclusions to be drawn here.


On this, at least, we agree. How you still conclude that Kerry is the worst candidate is something I think falls into the same category.

Quote:
So Kerry is shown more "electable" than Dean. But Edwards, we just dont know, cause he hasnt had the chance yet to be projected on in this way.


Then how can you assert that Kerry is the "worst"? LOL

You will almost always have more negatives about a frontrunner. As a matter of course you will have less on the also rans.

When you see some negatives in Kerry but just don't know what Edwards can come up with do you think there's a possibility that much of what you are seeing is just typical dynamics between a front runner and an underdog?

Quote:
Though, again, with a 20-year Congressional record, with all the position reversals that brings, representing a very liberal state, Kerry just has a longer potentially embarassing history to be shot at.


This is something I agree with. It too is an assumption but I subscribe to this (as opposed to the other ones) because this IS about Kerry. It's not just about how Kerry is doing in relation to his position and that of those below him (all of which are not static).

Quote:
But thats why few Washington veterans make it into the Presidency. A relatively blank record can be a liability (lack of experience), but also a blessing. Personally, I think someone more experienced than Edwards, but with less of a track record than Kerry would have been a lot better ... <sighs>


Again, here we agree.
0 Replies
 
fbaezer
 
  1  
Reply Thu 19 Feb, 2004 12:03 pm
nimh is right when he says that an exit poll has the benefit of being made to actual voters, vis a vis the opinion polls in which filters have to be built in order to distinguish probable voters from probable abstentionists.

But he is again wrong in assuming that the exit poll of a democratic primary gives us good samples of future voters.
People who voted in the Wisconsin primary are only a fraction of the people who will vote on november. And NOT a representative sample of those people.
They are people more interested in politics and more willing to participate than the average voter. They are also people who want to do something about the democratic ticket.
Democrats who voted on the democratic primary in WI are certainly a bigger proportion of the democrats in that state, than the independents or republicans as a proportion of, respectively, the total of independents and republicans in Wi.
This means that they are more representative of democrats as a whole than the others are of their respective social category.
It would be strange, to say the least, to assert that the republicans who voted on the democratic primary are representative of their fellow partizans who didn't vote.
Since party lines do not cut evenly across gender, income and race, the same thing (varying levels of representativeness) happens with them. Thus, the exit poll for the democratic primary is more representative of the black population, of those with lower income, etc.

But anyhow nimh has a point. Edwards may put some sociodemographic balance in preferences.
That is why I think he'll keep on fighting, and will probably end up as Number 2 in the democratic ticket.
0 Replies
 
 

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