@georgeob1,
georgeob1 wrote:Please explain in practical military terms what might be the difference between an operation designed to remove Ghadaffi's ability or inclination to fight back against the rebels who appear determined to remove him, and one designed to remove him from power.
An easy one is that Gaddafi can't be assassinated in the former. If Gaddafi actually accepts a cease fire the mandate ends in the former. In the latter, he could be assassinated and even if he stopped attacking there could be a mandate to attack him.
Quote:Neither option involves the necessity of staying around for nation building. That such a distinction figures so prominently in the actions of the participation is itself a demonstration of their lack of resolve and unreliability.
I think the biggest reason there is little appetite for this is because the Libyan rebels explicitly said they will not accept our help nation building (they currently are still saying they want no ground troops at all) and only accepted our involvement in the air when they felt existentially threatened.
Quote:Arguing that the participation of other nations isn't required militarily, but rather that they are required for political cover is fatuous. As long as our military, our committment and the lives of our soldiers are an indispensable requirement the solution then what conceivable benefit are we getting for surrendering our sovereignty to the international community?
I think you are mixing two issues I was talking about. In regard to the Libyan war I was saying that the participation of Arab countries was a requirement from the west for political but not strategic reasons.
But as to surrendering some sovereignty (not all) to institutions such as the UN and ICC the benefit would be more international rule of law.
A simple example is that only recently did R2P become an international norm, before this there would be no legal basis for many humanitarian interventions but it is only a recent legal concept because it takes a bit of sovereignty away (namely that of being able to murder your own people in your own country without outside interference).
I support ceding some sovereignty to real rule of law. I support legal instruments that would make this kind of intervention faster (the delay largely owed to the time it took to negotiate a consensus in this rather murky area of international law).
So in short, justice is the tradeoff. We'd trade some of our power to act unilaterally for better international legal instruments. Right now we play world cop as a vigilante, and I want to restrain us only slightly through rule of law.
So for example, I want the security council expanded to include BRIC nations with no veto in the SC, and I want the US to be party to the ICC. These are things I think would not infringe too much on our sovereignty but would strengthen the instituions the international community can use to police itself.
Quote:I am simply arguing that we cannot safely rely on the international community and that history very strongly suggests that condition isn't about to change anyutime soon.
I'm not sure why it would mean we would need to "rely" on them. We'd still maintain the capability to defend ourselves and the right to. As an example, I'd love to hear what you think the downside of us fully supporting the ICC would be.
Quote:Further, the notion that pretending that this illusion is real is going to make it real is quite absurd.
I don't think it has to be one extreme or the other, the whole world (including the superpowers) recognizes the need for reforming the international institutions but the powers that be have qualms about ceding military power and increasing the political power of weaker nations.
The current powers are not going to be the powers forever (there is a fundamental shift in power happening from West to East for one), and when we aren't the top dog things like rule of law will mean more to us than it does now.