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Will 2008 be a turning-point election?

 
 
joefromchicago
 
  1  
Reply Fri 16 Nov, 2007 09:07 am
princesspupule wrote:
You seem to think that Hillary-haters will make the election go to anyone other than Hillary. Does that mean you think Obama or Edwards or who will be the candidate?

No, not at all. I think Hillary Clinton can win in the general election despite all of the Hillary-haters arrayed against her, I just don't think it would be the kind of turning-point election that, for instance, 1968 was. And there aren't enough Hillary-haters in the Democratic Party to affect the outcome of the primaries, so that won't have any significant effect on who the Democrats choose as their nominee.
0 Replies
 
spendius
 
  1  
Reply Fri 16 Nov, 2007 12:11 pm
Is Richard Armitage not even a dim light on the horizon?
0 Replies
 
michiepang
 
  1  
Reply Fri 16 Nov, 2007 01:57 pm
joefromchicago wrote:
I think Hillary Clinton can win in the general election despite all of the Hillary-haters arrayed against her, I just don't think it would be the kind of turning-point election that, for instance, 1968 was. And there aren't enough Hillary-haters in the Democratic Party to affect the outcome of the primaries, so that won't have any significant effect on who the Democrats choose as their nominee.


That's true. Honestly I don't really see this being a turning point election unless lower tier (in the polls) candidates take the primaries, or a lot of people decide to vote independent and a third party wins. Don't know about the likelihood of either of those options.
0 Replies
 
spendius
 
  1  
Reply Fri 16 Nov, 2007 04:30 pm
Mrs Clinton is odds on to win the presidency in our betting markets. 6 gets you 4. So it's no great surprise that some astute pundits think she can win.

I'm a bear on it.
0 Replies
 
nimh
 
  1  
Reply Sat 17 Nov, 2007 09:56 am
princesspupule wrote:
It was nimh who said something about Edwards being the most electable of the dems, or something like that. You seem to think that Hillary-haters will make the election go to anyone other than Hillary. Does that mean you think Obama or Edwards or who will be the candidate?

I think Hillary still stands the overwhelming chance of being the nominee, though one can never be sure. If I'd be betting, I'd still bet on Hillary getting the nomination. Joe's point, if I am correct, isnt so much that "Hillary hatred" will prevent her from getting the nomination, but that it would make it impossible for her to win the general elections run-off against the Republican by any significant margin; she'll either lose or win very narrowly.

princesspupule wrote:
I'm not sure that the aversion to Hillary is as legitimate as you make it out to be, although I know some people feel strongly about her...

I think the aversion to Hillary is much overplayed. It is obviously strong among core Republican voters, but there's not a great lot who would vote for any Democrat anyway.

It's also a strong current among the kind of liberals and centrists who are deeply interested in politics and populate blogs and forums like this. Usually highly educated folk with a somewhat libertarian outlook and priorities that centre more on foreign policy and postmaterialist issues than on the bread and butter things that drive most voters. But they are simply not representative for the population overall, neither for the Democratic voters nor for Independents - that is one thing that you can learn from the polls, even this far out.

princesspupule wrote:
I really don't know why nimh (if it was he) who claimed that Edwards was the most electable.

I personally think Edwards would stand the best chance in a general election. But I'm not entirely objective, since he's the candidate I prefer myself. I see him as the candidate who has the most progressive platform among the three Democratic frontrunners, and yet has the proven skill of coming across to the general electorate as the most moderate one -- either through the way he brings his message or simply because he is, well, a white Southern man - stupid things like that play a role. So that is, strategically, the best of both worlds.

But my point here was rather that I dont think it will make much difference, really. Edwards, Obama and Hillary in my opinion all stand a good chance of winning, and all stand a rather minor chance of the kind of landmark breakthrough Joe describes.

I think the outcome depends much more on who the Republican candidate turns out to be. Against Giuliani, I think all three Dems will have a tough time. The differences between them sort of neutralise each other: Hillary has an entrenched minority opinion against her in a way Obama does not yet have, but I'm sure Obama would face much the same thing once the Republican machine is done with him, and he seems to be less prepared for that kind of tough fight.

Joe, on the other hand, seems to argue that whether it's Edwards or Obama does not make much of a difference: both would stand a good potential chance of achieving a kind of turning point victory that really changes the rules in favour of the Democrats for some time to be, while Hillary is by definition unable to achieve anything of the sort. Unless she's running against Giuliani, whom Joe actually considers the weakest Republican candidate.
0 Replies
 
nimh
 
  1  
Reply Sat 17 Nov, 2007 10:23 am
Quote:
nimh: And these [Rockefeller Republican types] are people that you submit might well go for John Edwards, the populist, but not for Hillary?

joefromchicago: Yep.

nimh: Huh? Thats an article about Warren Buffet supporting... Hillary, not Edwards. Your point is?

joefromchicago: My point is that it is not at all implausible to think that rich people, who had previously supported the GOP, would be willing to support a liberal Democrat in 2008.


Right. So in order to show that "yep", Rockefeller Republican types are people who "might well go for John Edwards, the populist, but not for Hillary", you come up with an example of a Rockefeller Republican type who supports ... Hillary. Okay. Well, thanks for making my point I suppose.


joefromchicago wrote:
nimh wrote:
You're missing the point. Polls never, ever, predict, or claim to predict, such a thing, so that shot goes off into leftfield.

Actually, that's the only thing that such matchup polls do. They certainly don't attempt to measure the current levels of support for the candidates polled.

Huh? How do you even come to that conclusion? Any cursory reading about what polls do shows this to be exactly backwards. Opinion pollsters never, ever claim to predict the election result, least of all a year out. What they do is exactly to "measure the current levels of support for the candidates polled".

It's what they literally do. They ask the respondent variations of this (many pollsters publish the questions they use in full): "If the 2008 election for President were being held today, and the candidates were X for the Democratic Party and Y for the Republican Party, for whom would you vote?"

Like New Hampshire Institute of Politics Director Paul Manuel says: "It's not a predictor. It's a useful way to understand what's happening at that moment and nothing more."

I'm kind of baffled by this conversation. You talk with great authority or at least self-confidence about the subject of what polls do - with great condescension even - but you seem to be unhampered by any actual knowledge about it. What gives?
0 Replies
 
joefromchicago
 
  1  
Reply Sat 17 Nov, 2007 12:28 pm
nimh wrote:
Huh? How do you even come to that conclusion? Any cursory reading about what polls do shows this to be exactly backwards. Opinion pollsters never, ever claim to predict the election result, least of all a year out. What they do is exactly to "measure the current levels of support for the candidates polled".

No they don't. At most, they measure the support of one candidate vis รก vis another candidate. That's not the same thing as the level of support that a candidate has, especially when those candidates are currently running in separate elections. Polling a hypothetical matchup between Clinton and Giuliani doesn't tell us how much support Clinton has for the presidency, it just says how she would do today in a hypothetical matchup with Giuliani.

nimh wrote:
Like New Hampshire Institute of Politics Director Paul Manuel says: "It's not a predictor. It's a useful way to understand what's happening at that moment and nothing more."

Well, thanks for making my point, I suppose.

nimh wrote:
I'm kind of baffled by this conversation. You talk with great authority or at least self-confidence about the subject of what polls do - with great condescension even - but you seem to be unhampered by any actual knowledge about it. What gives?

I have what I would consider to be a fairly thorough knowledge of polls and polling methodology. I have studied the subject academically and I have read widely in the non-academic literature. I'm confident that I know a good deal about the subject. If you don't think so, then so be it: rest assured, my day won't be ruined.

In any event, the major difference that I see between us is not our interpretation of the polls, but rather in our willingness to use polling data to measure variables related to whether 2008 will be a turning-point election or not. For reasons that I have already explained, and won't explain again, I think that polling results are largely meaningless in connection with the topic of this thread. You obviously disagree, and so you disagree with my conclusions. That's fine, I can live with that too. On the other hand, accusing me of not having any actual knowledge of polls and polling, just because we disagree on the usefulness of polling data, shows me that you can't separate the methodological issue from the substantive one. I'd never, for instance, accuse you of not knowing American politics just because we disagree on this thread, nimh, since you've obviously devoted a good deal of thought to the topic of American politics and have developed some pretty sophisticated insights into it. But then I suppose that's just another difference between us.
0 Replies
 
blatham
 
  1  
Reply Sat 17 Nov, 2007 03:24 pm
Quote:
King: Giulani nomination would undermine GOP

Washington, D.C. � Rep. Steve King of Iowa warned today that the conservative underpinnings of the Republican party platform would be "sacrificed" if Rudy Giuliani is the Republican presidential nominee.

King, a leading conservative from western Iowa's heavily Republican 5th District, said that in addition he fears the nomination of Giuliani would spur a third-party candidate on the right who would "sink" GOP chances of winning the White House.

"I don't know anybody else who has spoken publicly about that concern,"
King said in an interview in his office at the U.S. Capitol. "What's it take to be a spoiler? Not much."
http://desmoinesregister.com/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/20071115/NEWS/71115035/-1/caucus

Duh.
0 Replies
 
mysteryman
 
  1  
Reply Sat 17 Nov, 2007 03:56 pm
Re: Will 2008 be a turning-point election?
joefromchicago wrote:
roger wrote:
Hate to disappoint you again, joe, but when you talk to these people on the subject water projects, it's government first, last, and always. President Carter's hit list of water projects cost him the second before the term "hostage crisis" had entered the language.

No disappointment here. Most people who complain about "big government" temper their criticism when it comes to government programs that help them, and western "libertarians" are no exception. Indeed, government largesse tends to flow disproportionately toward Republican congressional districts, which makes one wonder how GOP voters would react if they elected someone who actually followed through on promises of cutting the size of the federal government.


I would live to see the size of govt slashed.
There are to many people in DC whose only job is to tell each other how important they are.

But tell me, if a health care plan like Hillary's passes, how will that cut the size of govt?
0 Replies
 
Finn dAbuzz
 
  1  
Reply Sun 18 Nov, 2007 02:00 am
Kudos on this post Joe. In many ways excellent.

Now:

What is "the theory of turning point elections?"

I understand the definition of a "turning point election," but would appreciate your explaining the theory around them.

Given the relatively short time span of American elections, it's difficult to accept that there is any sort of reliable cycle for "turning point elections," but perhaps the theory surrounding them can help explain their predictability. That we can calculate a cycle of roughly 32 years when the set in question is only about 230 years in duration is not entirely persuasive. Humans love to find patterns, even where they don't exist.

Since there doesn't seem to be any cyclical imperative driving the 2008 election towards a "turning point," let's limit our discussion to why this may be one, as opposed to adding any element of inevitability.

You've identified three separate voting blocs as being in play in this election.

While the Fiscal Conservatives and Libertarians may not be as enamoured of the GOP as has been the case in the past, there is absolutely no reason to believe that either bloc will come to the conclusion that (any) Democrats represent a better chance for the fulfillment of their goals. It is possible that one or both of these blocs will gather around a 3rd Party candidate and thus assist the Democratic candidate in winning the election, but that would hardly constitute a "turning point election."

As for Suburbanites, I think your analysis, herein, is superficial at best. Unfortunately you display a typical Liberal's bias in your assessment that because suburbanites no longer fear integration that they will, perforce, be less inclined to vote Republican. The Soccer Moms who voted for Bush in the past two elections didn't do so out of racist motivations. It is also indicative of a Liberal bias that you associate level of education with political inclination - with the canard being that the educated are naturally Liberals. In any case, there is no reason whatsoever to believe that the demographics of suburbanites have substantially changed over the last eight years. I would bet a sizeable amount of money on the fact that the percentage of Soccer Moms with college degrees is essentially the same now as it was in 2000.

While a Democrat candidate may win the presidential election of 2008, I see no reason, at all, to believe, that this will constitute a "turning point election."

There is no reason to believe that any of the traditional GOP voting blocs will find a Democrat candidate preferable to any that might survive the Republican primaries (Rudy included).

If the GOP fails to retain the White House because of disgruntled former supporters, it will be because they have sought a 3rd Party alternative or decided to stay home on Nov 2, not because they have defected to a Democratic Party that is obviously tacking to the Left far more than it did in the halcyon days of Bill Clinton.

Make no mistake, disaffected Republicans are no more partial to Obama or Edwards than they are Clinton. There may, currently, be greater fear and disregard for Hillary than Edwards or Obama, but should one of them rise to the top, the same attitude will prevail.

Ironically, Hillary does really have the best chance, among Democrat candidates, of attracting swing voters. In order to win the Democratic nomination, Obama and Edwards will have to attack Hillary for her moderation and swing ever more Left-wards. This will not serve them well in the national election.

The GOP's greatest fear is not that any of the faithful will switch colors, but that they will choose not to participate.

As for moderate swing voters, these folks are notorious for last minute decisions. Where they are polling now is immaterial. If come Nov 2008, the economy remains strong, the situation in Iraq continues along an improving trend, and there are no, currently, unforseen disasters, the Dems can hardly count on their votes.
0 Replies
 
Ramafuchs
 
  1  
Reply Sun 18 Nov, 2007 11:38 am
The open secret of American politics, of course, is that there is too much consensus and not enough conflict. The major parties are agreed on almost every major issue. Even over Iraq the Republicans are moving closer to the Democrats - or is it the other way round? As to what the issues are, there is no debate. Obama is right when he says that American domestic politics has an air of "smallness" to it. But that's precisely because the parties have a diminishing number of issues over which they dare to disagree; more "togetherness" is hardly the answer. There hasn't been a genuinely conservative Republican president for a long time; there hasn't been a genuinely liberal Democratic president for even longer.

If Obama were serious about "a different kind of politics", he would say that he is OK with division. Thomas Paine, the greatest of America's founders, got it basically right: "Moderation in temper is always a virtue; but moderation in principle, is a species of vice." It is odd that the public should be so titillated by politicians who are lukewarm in all their convictions, except for the conviction that they are moderate. Who wants a "moderate" president on human rights or corruption or church-state separation?

At least in a small way, any politician purporting to be "above" politics must be taken at his word: the manoeuvre is essentially a cop-out. If you don't like politics, which inherently involves dispute, being a politician is a bizarre career path. If you want soothing psychobabble about healing wounds, try therapy. This is doubly important for anyone who claims to be a progressive politician. All progress involves struggle: American independence, women's suffrage, black civil rights - these were not gained through a joyous conversation, but through tense, bitter, open confrontations.

More than this, consensus politics, anti-politics politics, whatever you want to call it, is boring. That's almost worse than being irresponsible. Al Gore may be sincere in his lamentation that the media is not sufficiently interested in "issues", and too interested in Paris Hilton, but the media is only partly to blame. Mr Gore will find that the fault is largely that of public opinion and the public opinion industry, which reward floweriness dressed up as conviction. To stand on principle is to risk being branded "extreme" or "a fringe candidate"; to risk a fight with an opponent is to be accused of "partisanship". Even against Hillary, the queen of bland centrism (which really means conservatism), Obama has a good chance of winning the race to the middle, and he'll have simpering admirers shouting, "Hope!" following him all the way.
http://www.butterfliesandwheels.com/articleprint.php?num=284
0 Replies
 
Setanta
 
  1  
Reply Sun 18 Nov, 2007 12:01 pm
Although i find your analysis interesting, Joe, i don't see how this election would qualify as a turning point. I doubt that the core policies of either the Republicans or the Democrats would change that much. The Shrub's administration represents a departure from traditional party politics among the Republicans, and although one might see Guilie as a moderate Republican, that's not unusual other than in the context of the extremism of the supporters of Bush--moderates have always had a home in the Republican Party.

I don't see Miss Clinton as representative of any dramatic shift in the basic policies of the Democrats, either. I rather think any turning that gets done will be to turn away from the confused and atypical policies of the Shrub's administration.

Maybe you could explain it again for me, slowly, and in simple terms. Perhaps there would be a turning point, but i don't see it--certainly no watershed in traditional party politics.
0 Replies
 
spendius
 
  1  
Reply Sun 18 Nov, 2007 02:09 pm
There is no turning point in the orderly management of decline as we in the UK well know. Little lurches are the most one can expect.

The fundamental undercurrents see to that and these matters are the foam and froth on the surface.
0 Replies
 
joefromchicago
 
  1  
Reply Mon 19 Nov, 2007 01:17 pm
Finn dAbuzz wrote:
Kudos on this post Joe. In many ways excellent.

Now:

What is "the theory of turning point elections?"

A turning-point election (or realigning election, or transformative election -- they're all the same) is an election in which there is some significant shift in the electoral alignments. It's where one segment of the electorate switches from one party to the other, or where the party lines are redrawn. So, for instance:
    1800: Jeffersonian Republicans take over. Federalists reduced to a northeastern regional party. Result: Republicans become the dominant national party for the next 30 years, with the Federalists marginalized and ultimately absorbed into the Republican Party during the "Era of Good Feelings." 1832: The Whigs coalesce around the remnants of the J.Q. Adams/Henry Clay "National Republican" wing of the Democratic-Republican Party. Result: beginning of the [url=http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Second_Party_System]"Second Party System"[/url] that remains in place until the eve of the Civil War. 1860: The Democrats split over the issues of "squatter sovereignty" and slavery in the territories. The Republicans become the dominant party in the north. Result: the era of the [url=http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Third_Party_System]"Third Party System"[/url], with the Republicans dominating the White House, while the south stays firmly in the grasp of the Democratic Party. 1896: Hard money Democrats flee to the Republican Party in reaction to the candidacy of William Jennings Bryan, while Plains-states Populists shift to the Democratic Party. Result: A more decisive shift toward the GOP in national politics, with the Democrats winning the presidency only twice in the next eight elections. 1932: The New Deal coalition put together by FDR sees blacks and progressives shift from the GOP and organized labor shift from Socialism to the Democratic Party. Result: a turnaround from the previous era, the Democrats take the White House in six of the next eight elections. 1968: Nixon's "Southern Strategy" draws white southerners away from the Democratic Party, where they had been since 1860. In addition, the beginnings of a shift of white evangelicals from the Democratic Party (where they had been since Bryan's 1896 campaign) to the GOP. Result: the political alignments that we have today are largely the result of the shift that occurred in 1968.

That's just a thumbnail sketch. More detailed information can be found here. Also note that there is no "official" consensus on what constitutes a "turning-point" election. Some people would say that 1828 and 1964 were the real turning-points, not 1832 and 1968. Others say that 1980 was a turning-point, or that some off-year elections, such as 1994, were turning-points.

For 2008 to be a turning-point, then, there would have to be some major shift in voting blocs between the two major parties. As I see it, any movement would almost certainly be from the Republicans to the Democrats. And merely winning a majority of the votes doesn't make for a turning-point election. It's in the way that those votes are concentrated in certain segments of the electorate, and also in the permanency of those electoral shifts. If suburbanites, for instance, abandon the GOP in 2008, only to return to the party in 2012, that would indicate that 2008 was only an aberration, not a turning-point. Many southerners, for example, voted Republican in the 1928 election because they couldn't bring themselves to vote for a Catholic. That didn't mark a turning-point, unlike 1968, when white southerners abandoned the Democratic Party for good, because they went back to the Democratic fold in 1932.

Finn dAbuzz wrote:
While the Fiscal Conservatives and Libertarians may not be as enamoured of the GOP as has been the case in the past, there is absolutely no reason to believe that either bloc will come to the conclusion that (any) Democrats represent a better chance for the fulfillment of their goals. It is possible that one or both of these blocs will gather around a 3rd Party candidate and thus assist the Democratic candidate in winning the election, but that would hardly constitute a "turning point election."

The only part of the electorate that has made any serious noise about a third-party candidacy is the evangelical wing of the Republican Party. The notion that fiscal conservative will rally around a third-party candidacy (say, of Michael Bloomberg and Chuck Hagel) is, right now, the stuff of beltway pundits' fantasies. Of course, it may happen, but it's much more likely that a small fringe of the ultra-left will support a third-party rebellion against Hillary Clinton than the social moderates/fiscal conservatives will split from the GOP to support a third-party. We'll just have to see.

Finn dAbuzz wrote:
As for Suburbanites, I think your analysis, herein, is superficial at best. Unfortunately you display a typical Liberal's bias in your assessment that because suburbanites no longer fear integration that they will, perforce, be less inclined to vote Republican. The Soccer Moms who voted for Bush in the past two elections didn't do so out of racist motivations. It is also indicative of a Liberal bias that you associate level of education with political inclination - with the canard being that the educated are naturally Liberals. In any case, there is no reason whatsoever to believe that the demographics of suburbanites have substantially changed over the last eight years. I would bet a sizeable amount of money on the fact that the percentage of Soccer Moms with college degrees is essentially the same now as it was in 2000.

The demographics don't have to change at all in order for there to be a political shift. There was no major demographic shift in the south between 1960 and 1968 that caused the shift in voting patterns in that region. The demographic shift in suburbia has been very gradual, but there has been a much more profound shift in attitudes (as I see it -- you probably don't agree). In the 2006 congressional elections, strong Democratic showings in the suburbs of Seattle (WA-8), Philadelphia (PA-6), Chicago (IL-6 and 10), New York City (NY-19) Miami (FL-22), and even Houston (TX-22), indicate that suburbanites may be more willing to cross over into the Democratic column than ever before.

Finn dAbuzz wrote:
If the GOP fails to retain the White House because of disgruntled former supporters, it will be because they have sought a 3rd Party alternative or decided to stay home on Nov 2, not because they have defected to a Democratic Party that is obviously tacking to the Left far more than it did in the halcyon days of Bill Clinton.

I wouldn't agree that the Democrats are tacking to the left, it's just that Bush has moved the right so far that, from that vantage point, the former center now looks like the left.
0 Replies
 
michiepang
 
  1  
Reply Mon 19 Nov, 2007 01:17 pm
Quote:
I doubt that the core policies of either the Republicans or the Democrats would change that much. The Shrub's administration represents a departure from traditional party politics among the Republicans, and although one might see Guilie as a moderate Republican, that's not unusual other than in the context of the extremism of the supporters of Bush--moderates have always had a home in the Republican Party.


That's a good point, in fact, most of the rep candidates this season strike me as more moderate with the possible exception of Thompson. There's also a centrist organization Unity08.com that wants to run a liberal and a conservative on the same ticket and there's been some healthy buzz around many moderate republican candidates winning that nomination (back when Bloomberg was still considering a run he was a top guess, too). Organizations like Unity08.com make me think that this has the potential to be a turning point election, but the stories the candidates tell are more traditional, business as usual. I could very well see Hillary taking the cake, which might be a turning point for women?

I hope whatever the outcome of the election the president will be in a better place to strike deals with congress, rather than the deadlock we're in now.
0 Replies
 
joefromchicago
 
  1  
Reply Mon 19 Nov, 2007 01:21 pm
Setanta wrote:
Although i find your analysis interesting, Joe, i don't see how this election would qualify as a turning point. I doubt that the core policies of either the Republicans or the Democrats would change that much. The Shrub's administration represents a departure from traditional party politics among the Republicans, and although one might see Guilie as a moderate Republican, that's not unusual other than in the context of the extremism of the supporters of Bush--moderates have always had a home in the Republican Party.

I don't see Miss Clinton as representative of any dramatic shift in the basic policies of the Democrats, either. I rather think any turning that gets done will be to turn away from the confused and atypical policies of the Shrub's administration.

Maybe you could explain it again for me, slowly, and in simple terms. Perhaps there would be a turning point, but i don't see it--certainly no watershed in traditional party politics.

A turning-point election doesn't necessarily require a change in policies. It just requires a change in voting behavior among significant segments of the electorate. As I've said elsewhere in this thread, none of the major Republican candidates offers a real change in the direction being followed right now by George W. Bush -- which explains why a large portion of the GOP is unhappy with the party's candidates and why they may switch over to the Democratic Party in 2008.
0 Replies
 
blatham
 
  1  
Reply Mon 19 Nov, 2007 01:33 pm
And it is why the PR tact of the Republicans will be to suggest that Hillary represents anything but change.
0 Replies
 
Cycloptichorn
 
  1  
Reply Mon 19 Nov, 2007 01:49 pm
blatham wrote:
And it is why the PR tact of the Republicans will be to suggest that Hillary represents anything but change.


It's not just the Republians; some of us Dems happen to hold that opinion as well.

Cycloptichorn
0 Replies
 
Ramafuchs
 
  1  
Reply Mon 19 Nov, 2007 02:54 pm
IF nothing happens to change things, it looks as if Hillary Clinton will be running against Rudy Giuliani in 2008. Let's hope something happens to change things because it is hard to imagine a more depressing choice, the final triumph of money and media over democracy and sanity.

Yet, even on the left, one doesn't get much sense that we seem to be moving from frying pan to fire. Six years bitter experience has left many liberals and progressives convinced that exorcising the demon in the White House and finding a Democratic replacement is all we need for happiness.

It doesn't work like that. It is a reasonable bet that after eight years of the next administration - of whatever party - the overwhelming majority of the sins of the Bush years will remain, quietly institutionalized either because of lack of will, lack of votes or an excess of inertia.

The primary reason for this is that in politics we get the presidents we deserve and a Clinton-Giuliani race would reflect the fact that in neither party is there sufficient will to do things differently - to rebel against the corrupt, cynical anti-democratic spirit that these two power-obsessed leaders represent.

As the right has demonstrated over the past quarter century, the creation of a new popular paradigm is a complex, expensive and lengthy business. One can argue that the right had a grossly unfair advantage by controlling the hearts of corporations, mass media and evangelicals who happily and mindlessly spread its message to an unwitting electorate.

This is true, but there is another factor that hardly ever gets discussed. The left has blown it.

In fact, since the beginning of the Reagan administration there has not been a single mass movement on the part of the left that has made any significant impact on the country.
http://prorev.com/essayspolitics.htm
0 Replies
 
Finn dAbuzz
 
  1  
Reply Wed 21 Nov, 2007 11:49 pm
joefromchicago wrote:
Finn dAbuzz wrote:
Kudos on this post Joe. In many ways excellent.

Now:

What is "the theory of turning point elections?"


A turning-point election (or realigning election, or transformative election -- they're all the same) is an election in which there is some significant shift in the electoral alignments. It's where one segment of the electorate switches from one party to the other, or where the party lines are redrawn. So, for instance:
    1800: Jeffersonian Republicans take over. Federalists reduced to a northeastern regional party. Result: Republicans become the dominant national party for the next 30 years, with the Federalists marginalized and ultimately absorbed into the Republican Party during the "Era of Good Feelings." [color=red]Again, I understand the definition. You referred to the theory. ("If there is any validity to the theory of turning-point elections...") They could be phenomena or the predictable result of some social or political dynamic. The latter would suggest identifiable underlying causation. Do you have a theory about why they occur?[/color] [quote="Finn dAbuzz"]While the Fiscal Conservatives and Libertarians may not be as enamoured of the GOP as has been the case in the past, there is absolutely no reason to believe that either bloc will come to the conclusion that (any) Democrats represent a better chance for the fulfillment of their goals. It is possible that one or both of these blocs will gather around a 3rd Party candidate and thus assist the Democratic candidate in winning the election, but that would hardly constitute a "turning point election."

The only part of the electorate that has made any serious noise about a third-party candidacy is the evangelical wing of the Republican Party. The notion that fiscal conservative will rally around a third-party candidacy (say, of Michael Bloomberg and Chuck Hagel) is, right now, the stuff of beltway pundits' fantasies. Of course, it may happen, but it's much more likely that a small fringe of the ultra-left will support a third-party rebellion against Hillary Clinton than the social moderates/fiscal conservatives will split from the GOP to support a third-party. We'll just have to see.

But you are suggesting that certain blocs of conservative voters will turn toward a Democrat candidate. I too doubt that any of these blocs will coalesce around a third party candidate, but my point is that even this unlikely event is more likely that these blocs supporting a Democrat.

Finn dAbuzz wrote:
As for Suburbanites, I think your analysis, herein, is superficial at best. Unfortunately you display a typical Liberal's bias in your assessment that because suburbanites no longer fear integration that they will, perforce, be less inclined to vote Republican. The Soccer Moms who voted for Bush in the past two elections didn't do so out of racist motivations. It is also indicative of a Liberal bias that you associate level of education with political inclination - with the canard being that the educated are naturally Liberals. In any case, there is no reason whatsoever to believe that the demographics of suburbanites have substantially changed over the last eight years. I would bet a sizeable amount of money on the fact that the percentage of Soccer Moms with college degrees is essentially the same now as it was in 2000.

The demographics don't have to change at all in order for there to be a political shift. There was no major demographic shift in the south between 1960 and 1968 that caused the shift in voting patterns in that region. The demographic shift in suburbia has been very gradual, but there has been a much more profound shift in attitudes (as I see it -- you probably don't agree). In the 2006 congressional elections, strong Democratic showings in the suburbs of Seattle (WA-8), Philadelphia (PA-6), Chicago (IL-6 and 10), New York City (NY-19) Miami (FL-22), and even Houston (TX-22), indicate that suburbanites may be more willing to cross over into the Democratic column than ever before.

But it was you who argued that changing demographics in suburbia supports the notion that this will be a turning point election---"as the first-generation suburbanites are dying off, their kids are turning out to be more tolerant of racial and ethnic diversity..." --- If that isn't demographics I don't know what is. In any case, the argument that suburbanites have voted Republican because of racial fear and loathing remains, at best specious. It is particularly weightless when one considers that many suburbanites voted Republican over the last 8 years - only know they have seen the light about race? Their racially tolerant kids are just know coming of voting age? It may be that there is a shift in suburbia, but its certainly not because of increased racial tolerance.

Finn dAbuzz wrote:
If the GOP fails to retain the White House because of disgruntled former supporters, it will be because they have sought a 3rd Party alternative or decided to stay home on Nov 2, not because they have defected to a Democratic Party that is obviously tacking to the Left far more than it did in the halcyon days of Bill Clinton.

I wouldn't agree that the Democrats are tacking to the left, it's just that Bush has moved the right so far that, from that vantage point, the former center now looks like the left.

Any comparison between the campaign promises and pronouncements of the current crop of Dem candidate and those of Bill Clinton when he ran reveals a tacking to the left. Even if we assume, for the sake of argument, that Bill Clinton resided in the center, his would-be successors of the present are playing in fields noticeably to the left of his.
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