5
   

Will 2008 be a turning-point election?

 
 
nimh
 
  1  
Reply Tue 13 Nov, 2007 06:05 am
Meanwhile, I was pacing my posts last night, and still have this to add to the discussion as well:

joefromchicago wrote:
    [b]1. Social moderates/fiscal conservatives[/b] [..] [b]2. Suburbanites[/b] [..] [b]3. Western "libertarians"[/b] [..]

Regarding the definition of groups, I have a question and an added point.

Question: to what extent are the suburbanite and socially-moderate-fiscally-conservative groups two different groups? It sounds to me like they overlap a lot.

Point: I'd add the following potential "switch voter constituency":

    [b]4. The former "Reagan Democrats". [/b]In the 1980s, Ronald Reagan's presidential campaigns won over a block of formerly loyal Democrats: blue-collar workers who had been reliable Democratic voters since FDR's New Deal, but felt increasingly little at home in a Democratic Party that seemed more interested in holding its own in the culture wars. They had always voted for the Democrats because it was the working man's party, the party of factory workers, state employees, union men in Pittsburgh and Buffalo and small Midwestern towns. But a new Democratic generation had emerged, rooted in the more culturally-liberal spirit of the 60s, which prioritized a new range of issues from abortion to the environment, and which had been painted into the corner of defending assorted minority groups against the conservative cultural backlash. It was no longer their party, and so they voted Reagan and later, Bush Jr. Now, however, they face spiralling health care costs and untrustworthy insurers, which put even middle class families one misfortune away from crisis. They face perpetual job insecurity as companies outsource ever new categories of jobs, and long-term loyalties are replaced by temporary contracts. Real incomes have stagnated. The Bush administration doesn't even seem to have noticed their insecurity and pessimism; everything is fine, it's kept claiming, while passing another tax cut targeted disproportionally at the richest. The Democrats now stand their best chance in almost thirty years of winning back Reagan Democrats in small cities, in the Midwest and West, even in the South. I think Edwards has by far the best chance of doing so, with Hillary a distant second. I dont think Obama would be able to do it: his soaring and relatively abstract rhetorics and his focus on changing the political culture rather than bread-and-butter issues, all the polls confirm as well, disproportionally appeal to the higher-educated and the higher income groups.
0 Replies
 
tinygiraffe
 
  1  
Reply Tue 13 Nov, 2007 06:08 am
2008 won't be a turning point unless someone that isn't running does.

our best odds for progress out of the people running are obama as pres, edwards as the first lady (only way he'll get into the white house,) and feingold as vp. instead, we'll get hillary. a female president would be great too, but not a corporate shill posing as the mother of christ.
0 Replies
 
blatham
 
  1  
Reply Tue 13 Nov, 2007 08:51 am
http://www.learcenter.org/html/projects/?cm=zogby

Interesting as hell, if not entirely relevant.
0 Replies
 
joefromchicago
 
  1  
Reply Tue 13 Nov, 2007 01:30 pm
nimh wrote:
Wow, but thats a lot of random inferences!

Inferences yes. Random no.

nimh wrote:
What makes you think that as much as a quarter of voters who opted even for Kerry, the weakest Democratic candidate in a decade, would "hate" Hillary? There certainly is no data to confirm such a guess: unlike what sentiments on political forums like these would suggest, polls show Hillary actually doing very well among Democratic voters time and again.

Actually, I was being overly generous toward your position there. If, as you think, all of the "Hillary-haters" are in the GOP camp, then that just means that they must be more numerous in all of the various voting blocs in the Republican Party, rather than residing in the "bedrock Republican constituencies." As such, I'm willing to accept your argument that the "Hillary-haters" are all Republicans. Just makes my conclusion all the more persuasive.

nimh wrote:
And what makes you think that if "roughly 60%" of Bush voters view Hillary unfavourably, they must be "spread across all segments of the Republican voting bloc"? Wouldnt it be far less counterintuitive to assume that the Hillary-haters are actually strongly concentrated in the most conservative, bedrock Republican constituencies?

Because the "bedrock constituencies" constitute less than 60% of the GOP. Evangelical Christians, e.g., composed about 23% of the electorate in 2004, and about three-quarters of them voted for Bush. If we can take that as a measure of the "core" evangelical wing of the party, that represents only about 36% of the GOP vote. If 80% of Republicans don't like Hillary, that would mean that, even if every single evangelical GOP-voter disliked Hillary, it would still leave about 44% of Republican Hillary-haters unaccounted for. They must be coming from some other constituencies, including the ones that I've identified as fence-sitters.

nimh wrote:
And how do you translate polls showing that 40% of voters view Hillary unfavourably into there being 40% "Hillary-haters"? When I already mentioned (and linked in the data) that of that 40%, only slightly over half actually viewed her "strongly" or "very" negatively?

I use "Hillary-hater" as shorthand for "those persons who, when polled, stated that they viewed Hillary Clinton unfavorably or very unfavorably." Although my term admittedly doesn't pick up on all of those nuances, I think "Hillary-hater" is much pithier.

nimh wrote:
What I'm still unclear about is why you think that suburbanites and socially liberal fiscal conservatives could very well bolt to Obama or Edwards against any Republican, Giuliani included, but would vote for Romney or Fred Thompson or even Huckabee over Hillary. I mean, it's clear that that's your argument, I just don't see how you argue it. Same with saying that Western libertarians would stick even with Romney against Hillary, but would be happy enough to vote for a black liberal. I dont know what that would be based on.

On the mystically unifying force of hatred for Hillary Clinton.

nimh wrote:
Destroy the Republican Party? But we already agreed that, in your words,
...
Instead, as you say, the evangelical vote would splinter, with only a minority bolting into the third party wilderness (if and when there will be a credible third party ticket for them), and a sizable group of them (and I'm guessing it will be very sizable) casting a nose peg vote for Giuliani anyway. That doesnt make for destroying-the-party stuff.

I never said that Giuliani would destroy the GOP, only that he, alone among all of the other candidates, had the potential to destroy the party.

nimh wrote:
As long as the nominee can hold on to most of the potential switch constituencies you identify, the temporary weakening of the evangelical support may make for a narrowly lost election, but not for a full-on collapse of the party: the Republican coalition of interests overall survives, if weakened, and the evangelicals will just return in the next elections.

That is the most likely scenario. In order for a Giuliani candidacy to destroy the GOP, evangelicals would have to desert the party en masse and form their own party or support an established third-party (like the Constitution Party).

nimh wrote:
It's the opposite: if the candidate actually holds on to the evangelicals but loses all the three switch blocks you identify, that would make for the kind of destruction of the Republican Party's overall standing that you describe. And when it comes to the party's hold on those switch groups, I actually see Giuliani having better chances than, say, Fred Thompson. I mean, take the suburbanites, and consider who has a greater appeal to them: Giuliani or Fred? Giuliani or Huckabee?

Well, first of all, a turning-point election doesn't necessarily involve the destruction of one or the other party. There have really only been one of those: 1800, which effectively destroyed the Federalist Party (the Whigs disintegrated after the 1852 election, but that wasn't a turning-point election). The Democrats lost in 1968, but they won again in 1976. The Republicans lost in 1932, but eventually returned to the White House in 1952.

Secondly, I've already explained why I think Giuliani won't be able to hold onto the fence-sitter constituencies that I've identified. Those constituencies are, for one reason or another, tired of the GOP as exemplified by the Bush administration, and Giuliani would just offer them more of the same. So, by the way, would every other candidate in the GOP field, except for Ron Paul, who is quite possibly even more nuts than Giuliani.

nimh wrote:
The polls - again, just FWIW, and it's certainly true that people at this point know only a fraction of the kind of things that can be said about Rudy - have so far consistently shown Giuliani and McCain as the only candidates able to stand their own against the Democrats, while Thompson and Romney are far behind. Their standing reflects the doledrums of the Republican brand overall, while Rudy and McCain are, at this time at least, able to rise above them.

For what it's worth, I put very little credence in the polls predicting the result of the general election before the nominees are chosen.
0 Replies
 
joefromchicago
 
  1  
Reply Tue 13 Nov, 2007 01:43 pm
nimh wrote:
Regarding the definition of groups, I have a question and an added point.

Question: to what extent are the suburbanite and socially-moderate-fiscally-conservative groups two different groups? It sounds to me like they overlap a lot.

No doubt there is some overlap there. The social moderates/fiscal conservatives are, I would say, the Wall Street crowd, the investment bankers and CEOs with their wealth in investments who place far more emphasis on trade, tax, and monetary policies. The suburbanites, on the other hand, are middle-class persons with much of their wealth tied up in their homes. They're more interested in roads, education, and "quality of life" issues. The latter want policies that help their kids, the former want policies that help their heirs.

I'll note that I almost added "Rockefeller Republicans" as a fourth group -- progressive Republicans from the East Coast -- but the 2006 congressional elections, I think, conclusively proved that they have already abandoned the GOP for the Democratic Party.

nimh wrote:
Point: I'd add the following potential "switch voter constituency":

    [b]4. The former "Reagan Democrats". [/b]In the 1980s, Ronald Reagan's presidential campaigns won over a block of formerly loyal Democrats: blue-collar workers who had been reliable Democratic voters since FDR's New Deal, but felt increasingly little at home in a Democratic Party that seemed more interested in holding its own in the culture wars. They had always voted for the Democrats because it was the working man's party, the party of factory workers, state employees, union men in Pittsburgh and Buffalo and small Midwestern towns. But a new Democratic generation had emerged, rooted in the more culturally-liberal spirit of the 60s, which prioritized a new range of issues from abortion to the environment, and which had been painted into the corner of defending assorted minority groups against the conservative cultural backlash. It was no longer their party, and so they voted Reagan and later, Bush Jr. Now, however, they face spiralling health care costs and untrustworthy insurers, which put even middle class families one misfortune away from crisis. They face perpetual job insecurity as companies outsource ever new categories of jobs, and long-term loyalties are replaced by temporary contracts. Real incomes have stagnated. The Bush administration doesn't even seem to have noticed their insecurity and pessimism; everything is fine, it's kept claiming, while passing another tax cut targeted disproportionally at the richest. The Democrats now stand their best chance in almost thirty years of winning back Reagan Democrats in small cities, in the Midwest and West, even in the South. I think Edwards has by far the best chance of doing so, with Hillary a distant second. I dont think Obama would be able to do it: his soaring and relatively abstract rhetorics and his focus on changing the political culture rather than bread-and-butter issues, all the polls confirm as well, disproportionally appeal to the higher-educated and the higher income groups.

I think you may have a point there. I always viewed the "Reagan Democrats" as largely indistinguishable from the white northern voters who went for George Wallace in 1968: urban, blue-collar, high-school educated, and very much interested in "law and order" issues (or, in other words, very, very afraid of blacks). It's quite possible that they too are sick and tired of the disparity between Bush II's rhetoric and his performance, and that they are ready to focus on the kind of bread-and-butter issues that Edwards, in particular, has been emphasizing.
0 Replies
 
joefromchicago
 
  1  
Reply Wed 14 Nov, 2007 02:39 pm
More on the "Hillary-haters" from today's Washington Post:
    They mock her proposals, utter her name with a sneer and win standing ovations by ridiculing her ideas as un-American, even socialistic. She has become the one thing the Republican candidates for president can agree on. Hillary Clinton. Earlier this year, the senator from New York was the subject of an occasional laugh line from former New York mayor Rudolph W. Giuliani. Now, the trickle has become a torrent as the leading GOP candidates seek to one-up one another in a Clinton-bashing contest aimed at energizing their party faithful. "The competition inside the GOP for who's the most anti-Hillary is going to pay dividends," said Greg Strimple, a GOP pollster and consultant who is not working with any presidential campaign. "Looking for that piece of anti-Hillary energy is what you're seeing right now."

Complete article here (reg. req'd)
0 Replies
 
nimh
 
  1  
Reply Wed 14 Nov, 2007 06:58 pm
joefromchicago wrote:
Actually, I was being overly generous toward your position there. If, as you think, all of the "Hillary-haters" are in the GOP camp, then that just means that they must be more numerous in all of the various voting blocs in the Republican Party, rather than residing in the "bedrock Republican constituencies."

Why? It seems logical enough to assume that the more rabidly conservative the voter, the more averse to Hillary. What argument are you proposing why instead, Hillary hatred must be spread widely throughout all constituencies that voted for Bush?

joefromchicago wrote:
Because the "bedrock constituencies" constitute less than 60% of the GOP. Evangelical Christians, e.g., composed about 23% of the electorate in 2004, and about three-quarters of them voted for Bush.

23% of the electorate lines up pretty closely to the about 20-25% of Americans who think "very negatively" or "very unfavourably" of Hillary. Of course there's no full overlap here, just saying that the various bedrock constituencies of the Republican party can easily account for most of the real Hillary haters.

joefromchicago wrote:
I use "Hillary-hater" as shorthand for "those persons who, when polled, stated that they viewed Hillary Clinton unfavorably or very unfavorably." Although my term admittedly doesn't pick up on all of those nuances, I think "Hillary-hater" is much pithier.

Awright. Personally I think that including the people who think of Hillary "somewhat negatively" - about 15% of voters, per the NBC/WSJ polls - among "Hillary haters" is skirting the truth; doesnt seem like the best definition to base an argument on. But if it works for you.

joefromchicago wrote:
The social moderates/fiscal conservatives are, I would say, the Wall Street crowd, the investment bankers and CEOs with their wealth in investments who place far more emphasis on trade, tax, and monetary policies.

And these are people that you submit might well go for John Edwards, the populist, but not for Hillary?
0 Replies
 
nimh
 
  1  
Reply Wed 14 Nov, 2007 07:25 pm
OK, I'm sorry to bang on about the polls again. I know that in speculative discussions like this, in the end we're all down to our own, individual assessment - based on our personal observations and informed guesses. I also know that you don't think much of polls this far out from the elections, Joe, and it's certainly true that there are no data we can pluck from future times to corroborate our ideas. But there are data out there that at least can make our guesses informed ones, or that can at least serve as a useful, preliminary double check for our assumptions.

Polls, of course, have many limitations. They cannot predict the future, not even what will happen next month. They can only say what people are thinking right now, and those thoughts are tentative, because the overwhelming majority of people has barely tuned into the race yet, and knows only a modicum of what there is to know about, for example, Rudy's past. (Though it is easy to overestimate how much the average voter will have absorbed even by election day). To some extent polls still reflect name recognition more than anything else at this time, and results fluctuate quite a bit, especially when people are not just asked to name a preferred candidate but to choose sides in hypothetical match-ups.

But they do constitute a resource that represents a range of pollsters regularly surveying a cross-section of Americans about exactly the questions we're speculating about here now. You say, Joe, that Rudy has the uniquely potential to lead the Republicans to self-destruction, while other candidates would at least keep the damage limited. You say that Hillary is uniquely constrained by widespread "Hillary hatred" to a close election result at best, while Obama and Edwards have the potential to appeal to swathes of long-held Republican constituencies. This, I assume, is based on readings of what the newspapers and magazines say, and personal observations of how friends, family, colleagues and acquaintances respond. But is any of it borne out at all by the wide range of surveys done of actual cross-sections of the American voters?

The short answer is, no - none of it is. Being the electoral geek I am, I maintain an Excel file in which I track the results of so-called "match-up polls". These are the polls where the respondent is asked, "if the candidates are, respectively, X for the Republicans and Y for the Democrats, whom would you vote?" Some polls ask only about Hillary versus all the four Republican frontrunners, or only Hillary vs Giuliani and nothing else, and some match up Obama and Edwards too, to one or some or all of the Republicans. There's fewer than I would like, but there's been many since the campaign first kicked off last spring.

Here you see the graph for the polls that matched up any or all of the Democratic frontrunners against Giuliani since late March. The zero line represents a tie: say, Hillary and Rudy both get 47%, or both get 43%, with the rest undecided. When the bars dive below that line, it means the poll gave the lead to Rudy; the higher above the line it goes, the larger the hypothetical victory of the Democrat. Blue is Hillary vs Giuliani, brown is Obama vs Giuliani, yellow is for Edwards. The trendlines represent a running average.

http://img112.imageshack.us/img112/9293/demsvsgiulianiqw1.png

What do we see? For some time, back in between March and June, Hillary did have a disadvantage compared to the others. Not a huge one, mind - nothing like the kind of gaping difference of performance Joe describes as probable. If the election had been held right then, Obama and Edwards would have won against Rudy by 51% to 49%, or 51% to 48% - a two or three point margin; while Hillary would have lost by an equally tight margin. Either way it would have been the kind of election we saw in 2000 and 2004, camp against camp, shifts of an inch this way or that at most.

That picture has basically persisted throughout since. Even if elections were held today, the margin of victory would be comparably small. The only difference is that for four months now, Hillary does as well as Obama or Edwards does. There is no noticable difference whatsoever anymore between Hillary's appeal and Obama's, in a race against Rudy.

Now here's how the Democrats have been stacking up against McCain:

http://img263.imageshack.us/img263/839/demsvsmccainur4.png

The picture is remarkably similar. Margins are small, much smaller than you'd expect if you go by polls asking people about their opinion of Republicans and Democrats generically. McCain, like Rudy, does better than the Republican brand does overall.

Nevertheless, McCain, too, would stand to lose a general election against any of the Democratic frontrunners if elections were held today, or if they'd been held any time in the last few months. Polls are sparser than for Giuliani so the estimate is more tentative, but he'd currently lose by a four- or five-point margin; i.e., Hillary 52%, McCain 47%. Or Obama 52%, McCain 48%.

The other parallel is that again, Obama and Edwards were doing somewhat better than Hillary at some point in time; they'd lead by a 5-6 point margin instead of a 1-2 point one. (That's Obama 53/McCain 47 instead of Hillary 51/McCain 49; still hardly a collapse of the Republican coalition overall in either case.) But here, too, that difference seems to have disappeared altogether. In the last five polls that matched up both Hillary and Obama against McCain, Hillary actually fared better than Obama four out of five times.

Next: the Democrats versus Fred Thompson:

http://img443.imageshack.us/img443/4774/demsvsthompsonpf3.png

Fred's name only started popping up later in the race, hence the lack of polls early on; and he's been fairly discounted for a while now by the pundits, so there aren't a lot of polls for the last month and a half either. But all in all there's still been a fair number.

The first thing to notice here, re: the assumptions made in this thread, is that Fred does a LOT worse than Giuliani in these match-ups. On average, we're talking a 10-point lead for the Democrat here: the equivalent of a 55% vs. 45% election outcome. Now that would be a landmark election result, though it bears pointing out that part of the reason is that there is a larger number of people who just dont know enough about Thompson to make a choice for him, so in reality it's more like 50% vs. 40%. Still, it's clear that, at this time at least, Fred's "floor" of support is far lower than Rudy's.

Then there is how Hillary appeal stacks up in a race against Thompson compared with Obama's or Edwards'. There is no trendline for Edwards in these graphs because there are not enough polls with him, but his results tend to go fairly toe-to-toe with Obama's. What we see is that Obama did have the full-scale breakthrough numbers initially - a 15 point lead! But as the campaign progressed and people found out more about both him and Fred Thompson, his lead diminished somewhat - while Hillary's increased. For two months now, it wouldnt have mattered whether Obama or Clinton had stood if elections against Thompson as Republican nominee had been held right then - they'd perform equally well.

Then there's Mitt Romney - the candidate Joe thinks is most likely to win the Republican nomination -- and I'm thinking (and wishing) he might well be right. Here's the graph:

http://img112.imageshack.us/img112/4811/demsvsromneyma1.png

Dont be fooled by the size of the bars here: I've adapted the value axis especially for Romney, simply because of the huge defeats he faced in these polls against the Democrats. So where the first horizontal line above zero represented a 5% lead for the Democrat in the other graphs, here it's 10%. Back in May, Edwards and Obama were beating Romney by margins in between 15% and 35% - you're talking the equivalent of "Barack Edwards" 62%, Romney 37% here.

That, of course, again was largely also a question of lacking name recognition for Mitt - in reality, it was more like Edwards 55%, Romney 30%. Striking numbers nevertheless. The race has tightened since - but still only to margins that are actually worse than Fred Thompson's. Even now, Obama has a ten-point virtual lead over Romney; Hillary a 12-point one; and Edwards a close to 15-point one.

Romney's numbers, like Thompson's, seem to reflect the strong generic preference for a Democrat over a Republican at this time. Only a strong candidate can push the Republicans into a much closer race. Taking into account the chance that they could still self-destruct as the campaign wears on, Rudy and McCain at least show that they have the potential to do so. Romney's numbers do not offer any such signs so far, despite a campaign that's been more prolific than either Thompson's or McCain's.

Finally, notice that this match-up, too, has seen Hillary doing as well as Obama and Edwards for a while now. In fact, her numbers have remained roughly stable (somewhere between +5 and +10), while Obama's started higher but have dropped to the same levels since.

This raises the question of what could happen when the full-scale campaign starts. Hillary at least has the advantage of being a known factor: it's hard to imagine what her Republican contenders could dig up about her, or play up about her, that would still change impressions of her drastically. Obama, on the other hand, has not been attacked in anything like the same way yet.

We have no idea what impact full-throttle attacks by the conservative machine would have on his numbers if he is elected nominee and they do come. Perhaps they'll slide off of him like water off a duck: some people have that teflon-like charisma. What we do know is that in many of these graphs, we see that even in the course of a half year of campaigning in which he received overwhelmingly positive media coverage, his initially high margins over time dropped to a level that's comparable to Hillary's.

In short - for what it's worth, and with all the caveats that come with opinion polls in general and ones this far ahead of elections in particular - there is nothing in the data that we do have about the respective candidates' appeal to the electorate that would confirm the assumption that Obama or Edwards would far outdo Clinton, or that Giuliani is the most likely to bankrupt the Republicans' numbers. If anything, they suggest the opposite.
0 Replies
 
joefromchicago
 
  1  
Reply Thu 15 Nov, 2007 09:17 am
nimh wrote:
Why? It seems logical enough to assume that the more rabidly conservative the voter, the more averse to Hillary. What argument are you proposing why instead, Hillary hatred must be spread widely throughout all constituencies that voted for Bush?

Because if every rabidly conservative Republican voter also hates Clinton, that still leaves lots of Clinton-haters unaccounted for. If they're all Republicans (as you suggest) then they have to be distributed among the remaining Republican constituencies.

nimh wrote:
23% of the electorate lines up pretty closely to the about 20-25% of Americans who think "very negatively" or "very unfavourably" of Hillary. Of course there's no full overlap here, just saying that the various bedrock constituencies of the Republican party can easily account for most of the real Hillary haters.

But the Republicans only got 75% of that 23%. So either there are some evangelical Democratic Hillary-haters out there (which you would deny), or else there are some Republican Hillary-haters who aren't evangelicals, and who therefore must be found among the non-evangelical voting blocs of the GOP.

nimh wrote:
And these are people that you submit might well go for John Edwards, the populist, but not for Hillary?

Yep.
0 Replies
 
joefromchicago
 
  1  
Reply Thu 15 Nov, 2007 09:32 am
nimh wrote:
OK, I'm sorry to bang on about the polls again. I know that in speculative discussions like this, in the end we're all down to our own, individual assessment - based on our personal observations and informed guesses. I also know that you don't think much of polls this far out from the elections, Joe, and it's certainly true that there are no data we can pluck from future times to corroborate our ideas. But there are data out there that at least can make our guesses informed ones, or that can at least serve as a useful, preliminary double check for our assumptions.

What a great deal of work. Too bad it was all wasted.

I agree with all of the caveats that you issued concerning the reliability of polls, especially polls that attempt to predict the outcome of the general election when voters haven't even decided who they prefer in the primaries. I just don't understand why you're still willing to place any weight on those polls. But, as you might respond: <shrugs>

As for the possible victory margins between various Democratic and Republican candidates in the matchup polls, I think you're missing the point. A turning-point election isn't the same thing as a landslide election. 1932 was both a turning-point and a landslide, but 1968 and 1896 weren't. So it really doesn't matter if Clinton leads Giuliani by 5 points or 20 points (especially at this early stage, when such numbers are simply meaningless). What matters is how the vote is distributed and, more importantly, whether there is a permanent shift in the voting alignments. Not only do your polls not show that, they can't show that.
0 Replies
 
princesspupule
 
  1  
Reply Thu 15 Nov, 2007 10:23 am
Nimh and Joe, I'm still trying to absorb everything you two suggest. I'm chewing over the democratic side first here... Now mind you, I live in Obamaland, and like his stances best, but *I* could be persuaded that Hillary ought to be president. After all, she's smart and immensely practical, not to mention tough... But, are you guys suggesting what I think you are? That in the end, the biggest hope for the democratic party will be to back Edwards? Is that because he's white and male? I'm not so sure... Shocked Didn't he just sit around on his thumbs like a pantyweight in 2004? I'm having a little trouble believing this is true...

BTW, I don't think this will be a "turning point" election... jmo, fwiw.
0 Replies
 
nimh
 
  1  
Reply Thu 15 Nov, 2007 11:31 am
joefromchicago wrote:
Because if every rabidly conservative Republican voter also hates Clinton, that still leaves lots of Clinton-haters unaccounted for.

No, it doesnt. We're going in circles now. The share of people who actually do "hate" Hillary is about 20-25%; thats the share of respondents who say in polls that they view her "strongly negatively" or "strongly unfavourably". People who view Hillary "somewhat unfavourably", for example, are not "Hillary haters" - not in any dimension outside the kind of hyperbole you consider "pithy".

joefromchicago wrote:
nimh wrote:
23% of the electorate lines up pretty closely to the about 20-25% of Americans who think "very negatively" or "very unfavourably" of Hillary. Of course there's no full overlap here, just saying that the various bedrock constituencies of the Republican party can easily account for most of the real Hillary haters.

But the Republicans only got 75% of that 23%. So either there are some evangelical Democratic Hillary-haters out there (which you would deny)


No, I dont deny that there is some smatterling of Hillary haters across the spectrum - I'm not very fond of her myself. But if you have the Republican hardcore, which makes up about a quarter of the electorate, predictably overlapping with most of the quarter of the electorate that are actual Hillary haters, there are not massive numbers of 'em left elsewhere out there. Not, in any case, the kind of numbers that would justify arguing, as you do, that whole swing voter blocks like suburbanites and fiscally conservative social moderates would be kept from voting Democratic by their "Hillary hatred".

joefromchicago wrote:
nimh wrote:
And these [Rockefeller Republican types] are people that you submit might well go for John Edwards, the populist, but not for Hillary?

Yep.

Huh? Thats an article about Warren Buffet supporting... Hillary, not Edwards. Your point is?
0 Replies
 
nimh
 
  1  
Reply Thu 15 Nov, 2007 11:54 am
joefromchicago wrote:
What a great deal of work. Too bad it was all wasted. I agree with all of the caveats that you issued concerning the reliability of polls, especially polls that attempt to predict the outcome of the general election when voters haven't even decided who they prefer in the primaries.

You're missing the point. Polls never, ever, predict, or claim to predict, such a thing, so that shot goes off into leftfield. What polls do do, however, is provide some data on what people are thinking and feeling right now. What a cross-section of Americans is thinking and feeling right now.

Now of course, yes, the elections are a long way off, voters are barely tuned in yet, etc. But consider that you have made some sweeping predictions about how the elections might turn out. And that those predictions stand or fall with two or three basic assumptions that you have fielded. Those assumptions, I gather, are based on personal observation, or perhaps things you have heard people in your environs say, and apparently a dose of the various common wisdoms you have read in the newspapers and magazines. I dunno, you havent referred much to anything beyond some run-of-the-mill news stories.

Nothing wrong with speculating like that of course - it's fun. But if there's some diversity of views on whether this or that perception really is right, thats where a wise man would want to look around and doublecheck, am I right? Or am I off? If I want to argue this, do I want it to be purely a vanity argument, or do I want to find some kind of objective corroboration, if at all possible, something beyond punditries?

And although no poll in the world right now can predict the election outcome a year from now, or the outcome of the first primaries two months from now for that matter, they can tell you this: how a random cross-section of Americans actually does think about the stuff you speculate about, right now. And since Hillary, for example, has been around in the public eye prominently for a decade and a half now, thats one person that people's overall views are unlikely to still suddenly shift about. So how widespread is actual Hillary hatred? And are there really a lot of people out there, and not just among you and yours and the media, who'd say, hmm, I wouldnt ever vote for Hillary but yeah, I can at least see myself voting for Obama? Many more than the other way round?

These are things that there is some data on, which one could use for a doublecheck. The data is tentative, of course, volatile. But if you ask me, what would you trust more when it comes to reading the national mind or mood - your own personal impressions from the couple hundred people you've met or talked with, over time, by the water cooler or in your hometown pub or online, and the punditries you've sampled -- or a regularly undertaken exercise by a variety of pollsters asking the same questions you're speculating about to ever again an arbitrary cross-section of people from around the country? Seems a no-brainer really. Of course the polls only give indications, nothing more, the end analysis will by definition have to remain yours, that's too complex to just copy from some poll. But what they can do is show you wrong in the one assumption or other about what you claim people are feeling, for example.

For example, you think that whole blocks of potential switch voters - eg suburbanites, Rockefeller Republicans - might bolt the Republican Party for, say, Edwards, but would be held back from a similar move by their "Hillary hatred" if she's on the ticket. Now there's an assumption. Polls, however provisional, can come in useful here, if you look at large numbers of them taken over time at least, just for a most rudimentary of reality checks. If there are large enough numbers of determined Hillary haters among even swing voters to a priori keep her from a victory against anyone but Rudy, you would see it. If there are many people who would be open for choosing Edwards or Obama but never Hillary, you would see polls showing those two occasionally peaking with much larger leads than she ever gets. Well, et cetera.

This is why all the campaigns do employ pollsters, all of 'em, now already - not to dictate their policies, but to give them a chance to doublecheck their assumptions. But it's up to the speculator, of course, whether he wants that.
0 Replies
 
joefromchicago
 
  1  
Reply Thu 15 Nov, 2007 12:19 pm
nimh wrote:
We're going in circles now.

At last, a point upon which we can both agree.

nimh wrote:
Huh? Thats an article about Warren Buffet supporting... Hillary, not Edwards. Your point is?

My point is that it is not at all implausible to think that rich people, who had previously supported the GOP, would be willing to support a liberal Democrat in 2008.
0 Replies
 
joefromchicago
 
  1  
Reply Thu 15 Nov, 2007 12:37 pm
nimh wrote:
joefromchicago wrote:
What a great deal of work. Too bad it was all wasted. I agree with all of the caveats that you issued concerning the reliability of polls, especially polls that attempt to predict the outcome of the general election when voters haven't even decided who they prefer in the primaries.

You're missing the point. Polls never, ever, predict, or claim to predict, such a thing, so that shot goes off into leftfield.

Actually, that's the only thing that such matchup polls do. They certainly don't attempt to measure the current levels of support for the candidates polled.

nimh wrote:
Those assumptions, I gather, are based on personal observation, or perhaps things you have heard people in your environs say, and apparently a dose of the various common wisdoms you have read in the newspapers and magazines. I dunno, you havent referred much to anything beyond some run-of-the-mill news stories.

My observations are based on a wide array of sources. I have not, however, catalogued them in my own personal campaign notebook. That was very careless of me.

nimh wrote:
Of course the polls only give indications, nothing more, the end analysis will by definition have to remain yours, that's too complex to just copy from some poll. But what they can do is show you wrong in the one assumption or other about what you claim people are feeling, for example.

What polls today can tell anyone is how people feel today. But, of course, lots of people aren't even thinking about the 2008 presidential election, so what people think now doesn't give much information about what people will think a year from now. At best, matchup polls taken today give us a snapshot view of how people would vote today in a hypothetical contest about which they know practically nothing. Under those circumstances, I must regretfully decline to place as much weight on the results as you seem willing to do.
0 Replies
 
joefromchicago
 
  1  
Reply Thu 15 Nov, 2007 12:38 pm
princesspupule wrote:
But, are you guys suggesting what I think you are? That in the end, the biggest hope for the democratic party will be to back Edwards? Is that because he's white and male?

Speaking only for myself, that is certainly not the message that I intended to convey.
0 Replies
 
Ramafuchs
 
  1  
Reply Thu 15 Nov, 2007 03:40 pm
With an endless, futile and costly Iraq war, a stinking economy and most Americans seeing the country on the wrong track, the greatest national group delusion is that electing Democrats in 2008 is what the country needs.



Keith Olbermann was praised when he called the Bush presidency a criminal conspiracy. That missed the larger truth. The whole two-party political system is a criminal conspiracy hiding behind illusion induced delusion.



Virtually everything that Bush correctly gets condemnation for could have been prevented or negated by Democrats, if they had had courage, conviction and commitment to maintaining the rule of law and obedience to the Constitution. Bush grabbed power from the feeble and corrupt hands of Democrats. Democrats have failed the vast majority of Americans. So why would sensible people think that giving Democrats more power is a good idea? They certainly have done little to merit respect for their recent congressional actions, or inaction when it comes to impeachment of Bush and Cheney.



One of the core reasons the two-party stranglehold on our political system persists is that whenever one party uses its power to an extreme degree it sets the conditions for the other party - its partner in the conspiracy - to take over. Then the other takes its turn in wielding excessive power. Most Americans - at least those that vote - seem incapable of understanding that the Democrats and Republicans are two teams in the same league, serving the same cabal running the corporatist plutocracy. By keeping people focused on rooting for one team or the other, the behind-the-scenes rulers ensure their invisibility and power.



The genius of the plutocrats is to create the illusion of important differences between the two parties, and the illusion of political choice in elections. In truth, the partner parties compete superficially and dishonestly to entertain the electorate, to maintain the aura of a democracy. Illusion creates the delusion of Americans that voting in elections will deliver political reforms, despite a long history of politicians lying in campaigns about reforms, new directions and bold new policies. The rulers need power shifting between the teams to maintain popular trust in the political system. Voting manifests that trust - as if changing people will fix the system. It doesn't.



So voters become co-conspirators in the grand political criminal conspiracy. Those who vote for Democrats or Republicans perpetuate the corrupt, dishonest and elitist plutocracy that preferentially serves the interests of the Upper Class and a multitude of special interests - some aligned with the Republicans and some with the Democrats. Voting only encourages worthless politicians and those that fund and corrupt them.



Public discontent leads to settling for less through lesser evil voting rather than bold thinking about how to reform the system to get genuine political competition and better candidates and government.



I understand why sane people would not want to vote for Republicans, based on the Bush presidency. But I cannot understand why politically engaged people think that putting Democrats in power will restore American democracy and put the welfare of non-wealthy Americans above the interests of the wealthy and the business sector. Bill Clinton's administration strongly advanced globalization and the loss of good jobs to foreign countries. Economic inequality kept rising. Trade agreements sold us out.



And in this primary season talk about reforming our health care system among Democrats never gets serious about providing universal health care independent of the insurance industry. And why should citizens be supportive of a party that favors illegal immigration - law breaking - that primarily serves business interests by keeping labor costs low?



Nor have Democrats stood up to challenge the official 9/11 story that no longer has any credibility to anyone that takes the time to seriously examine all its inconsistencies with what really happened and the laws of physics.



Whoever wins the Democratic presidential nomination will not be free of corruption and lies. He or she will owe paybacks to all the fat-cat campaign donors. Voters will be choosing the lesser-evil Democratic presidential candidate. Is that really the only choice? Is there no other action that can advance the national good?



There seem to be just two other choices. Vote for some third party presidential candidate, but the downside of that is twofold. No such candidate can win in the current rigged system. Worse, voting gives a stamp of credibility to the political system, as if it was fair, when it is not. Voting says that you still believe that the political system merits your support and involvement.



The second option is to boycott voting to show total rejection of the current political system and the plutocratic cabal using the two-party duopoly to carry out its wishes. When a democracy no longer is legitimate, no longer is honest, and no longer serves the interests of ordinary citizens, then what other than violent revolution can change it? When the electoral system no longer can provide honest, corruption free candidates with any chance of winning, what can citizens do? Either stay home or just vote in local and state races and for ballot measures.



I say remove the credibility and legitimacy of the federal government by reducing voter turnout to extremely low levels. Show the world that the vast majority of Americans have seen the light and no longer are deluding themselves about their two-party democracy. A boycott on voting for candidates for federal office is a form of civil disobedience that has enormous power to force true political reforms from the political system. This is the only way to make it crystal clear that the presidency and Congress no longer represent any significant fraction of the people. This is the only way to show that America's representative democracy is no longer representative and, therefore, is no longer a credible democracy. Just imagine a federal government trying to function in the usual ways when only 20 percent of the eligible voters actually voted.



It takes more courage to boycott voting than to vote for lesser evil Democrats and in the end this is the only way for people to feel proudly patriotic. This is the only way to not contribute to the ongoing bipartisan criminal conspiracy running the federal government.



We have broken government because the spirit of Americans that gave us our revolution and nation's birth has been broken, in large measure by distractive and self-indulgent consumerism. It is better to recognize that those who vote suffer from delusion than to criticize those who do not vote as apathetic. Non-delusional nonvoters recognize the futility of voting.



Democrats will not restore our democracy. That is the painful truth that most people will not readily accept. Such is the power of group delusion. Voting produces never-ending cycles of voter dissatisfaction with those elected, both Democrats and Republicans. It is time to break this cycle of voter despair. Voters that bitch and moan about Congress and the White House have nobody to blame but themselves, no matter which party they voted for.

http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article18717.htm
0 Replies
 
princesspupule
 
  1  
Reply Thu 15 Nov, 2007 04:54 pm
joefromchicago wrote:
princesspupule wrote:
But, are you guys suggesting what I think you are? That in the end, the biggest hope for the democratic party will be to back Edwards? Is that because he's white and male?

Speaking only for myself, that is certainly not the message that I intended to convey.


It was nimh who said something about Edwards being the most electable of the dems, or something like that. You seem to think that Hillary-haters will make the election go to anyone other than Hillary. Does that mean you think Obama or Edwards or who will be the candidate? Over here in Hawaii, it's hoped Barak Obama will be the candidate, but assumed it's probably going to be Hillary Clinton because Obama is less-proven, Clinton is tougher and more moderate, not to mention, being a woman, the first potentially electable woman may just carry moderate women's votes regardless of their party affiliations when push comes down to shove. I'm not sure that the aversion to Hillary is as legitimate as you make it out to be, although I know some people feel strongly about her... I think she's smart enough to get through all that stink and come out smelling like roses... I really don't know why nimh (if it was he) who claimed that Edwards was the most electable.
0 Replies
 
dyslexia
 
  1  
Reply Thu 15 Nov, 2007 04:57 pm
I don't dislike Hillary when push comes to shove and she's on the ballot against some smarmy republican I will vote for her BUT I would prefer to vote for a liberal. Either O'bama or Edwards.
0 Replies
 
Ramafuchs
 
  1  
Reply Thu 15 Nov, 2007 05:14 pm
There is no need to check to see if Democrats won control of Congress. It doesn't matter. The Democrats have simply ceased to be an opposition party. The party of Franklin D. Roosevelt is now simply a collection of incumbent hacks who are looking to their own re-election, and who stand for nothing.

So what is to be done?

Various left-leaning activist organizations, like Democrats for America and Progressive Democrats of America, and pseudo-progressive organizations like Move-On and DailyKos, argue that liberal Democrats need to work within the party to elect more progressive candidates and party officials. But this strategy is doomed for several reasons. First of all, the leadership of the Democratic Party doesn't want real liberals or, heaven-forefend, lefties. It wants candidates who can appeal to the corporations that bankroll both parties. And second, the leadership undermines those liberals who do have a chance of replacing the hacks who currently hold Democratic seats in Congress.

As I have written before, we have seen more than 50 years of betrayal of liberal and left voters and their issues by the Democratic Party, and despite the efforts of would-be reformers, the situation has been getting worse, not better.

The answer, I submit, is to tell Democratic incumbents and party officials that we've finally had it. We are not going to be ignored or walked over or taken for granted any longer.

How to do this? By mass resignations from the Democratic Party, at which it is made crystal clear that there are two reasons for the actions: Congress isn't stopping the war funding, and Congress isn't initiating impeachment hearings.
http://www.counterpunch.org/lindorff11152007.html
0 Replies
 
 

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