I don't think a third party is possible in anything under 20 years. If a dedicated group of young men and women began to organize a political party from the ground up, precinct by precinct, until they can take control of a county, and country by county until they can take over a state, they have a shot at organizing state by state until they have a significant minority in either the House or the Senate which would force the two major parties to deal with them. From that point on, rather than looking a the White House, they would need to focus on legislation which would break the death grip on control of local and state politics which the two parties have created. They could do that state by state, but that would entail taking over a majority of the states or all the states, and i consider it in the realm of fantasy that any one party could organize itself so effectively that it could take over to organize a one-party state, which is what you would have.
Ross Perot's "political party," the Reform Party, was not a real party, because it was organized from the top down, and was largely funded by Perot from his own money and donations he could secure. When Perot and the party leadership quarreled, those people were able to win a few local elections, but they couldn't attract the money that was needed to run national candidates. People always confuse national candidates with political success, but that's not how party politics has worked in our history. Andy Jackson was defeated for President, but he worked hard to extend his new political machine (he created the first modern political party, the Democratic Party, from the wreck of Jefferson's Democratic Republicans) throughout the states, and came back to win four years later. By that time the party was well-established in all the states, and was able to deliver for the candidate. But that was in 1828--Jackson had come close in 1824, polling more votes than anyone else, but not enough for a majority in the electoral college. By 1828, a lot of the political wreckage of the Democratic-Republican wreck and the collapse of the Federalists has been cleaned up, and Jackson's superior party organization was able to take advantage of that. Organizing locally and nationally were, however, a good deal easier and cheaper in those days. When Jackson was elected in 1828, only somewhat more than one million voters cast ballots, and campaigning was conducted locally by party organizers--they candidates didn't try to visit all the states, nor to personally get the message out.
Still, a party could be organized locally and be up and running within a few years. The Republican party was organized largely from the ground up, although the goal was definitely to break into national politics as soon as possible. The party organized in 1854, and won some modest successes locally, but their effort to win the White House in 1856 not only failed, it failed when there were three major candidates running, so that they could not even profit from split ballots. The Democrats successfully portrayed the Republicans as dangerous anti-slavery radicals who would precipitate civil war if they won. In 1860, the ballot was again split several ways, this time with four major candidates. Lincoln was only elected because Douglas and Breckenridge split the Democratic Party ballots (for which Lincoln deserves credit because of the difficult position into which he put Stephen Douglas in the Lincoln-Douglas debates in 1858). The Republicans had done well in the 1858 congressional elections because there was widespread opposition to the spread of slavery, and the Republicans were the only party openly condemning slavery and the Kansas-Nebraska Act--in fact, the Republican Party was formed to oppose the effects of the Kansas-Nebraska Act.
In the end, Lincoln won in the electoral college because the Republicans were represented in enough states for them to survive the power of the Democrats. Douglas or Breckenridge either one would have buried Lincoln and the Republicans in a land slide, had the vote of the entire Democratic Party gone to only one of them. But the Democratic Party vote was split not only on the issues, but on regional lines. Douglas actually got more votes than Breckenridge, but Breckenridge had a solid block of southern states, and won more electoral votes than Douglas. In the states in which Douglas would ordinarily have done well, the voters were alienated by Douglas' perceived support of slavery, allowing Lincoln to win those northern states and a majority in the electoral college. In the end, although Douglas polled a half million more votes than Breckenridge and less than a half-million less than Lincoln, he only got the electoral votes of Missouri, and three electors from New Jersey.
The lessons of the management of elections was not lost on either the Republicans or the Democrats. The Civil War did not kill off the Democratic Party, and both parties came to recognize that the careful and strong organization of the parties in each state could be crucial to electoral success. The two parties have worked hard in each state ever since to enshrine their own advantages, and to exclude any third parties. Whenever the two parties can see a situation from which either of them might benefit (for example, Senate procedural rules tend to benefit whichever party can organize three-fifths of the vote in the Senate--neither party will change that, because each party wants to take advantage in any situation in which that party can organize three fifths of the vote; both parties will therefore work with one another to keep those rules in place). The most glaring example is the registration of voters by political affiliation, and the system of primary elections for candidates for national office. The primaries give the candidates of the two parties a lot of free publicity, and a third party candidate tends to get sidelined in terms of media coverage during the primary election season. The "winner-take-all" laws which give all of a state's electoral votes to the candidate who polls the most votes also helps to enshrine the power of the two parties, which is how it was possible to pass such laws. In 1860, if there had been a winner-take-all law in New Jersey, Douglas with his more than a million votes out of fewer than 5 million would not have gotten even ten votes in the electoral college.
Elections were not as protracted nor as expensive in the past as they are today. Even though the Democrats and Republicans showed that a party can be organized locally within a few years to make a respectable showing in local and state elections, the cost of elections today, the primary election system and the winner-take-all laws for the electoral college all work to exclude a third party from winning a national election. That is why i think it would take 20 years, at the least, to even begin to break the strangle-hold the two parties have on the political system.
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I think E_brown is completely deluded with this remark:
Quote:It is a mathematical fact (not a social or political one), the group that can get the broadest coalition of interests will win.
It is far more about perception, and the control of the two parties. The Republican Party actually represents a narrow range of interest. Their appeal has successfully been to alarm the public about what the Democrats represent, rather than to convince the public that the Republicans serve a broad interest. They don't--they serve a narrow range of wealthy and corporate interests, and rely upon a fiction of representing traditional conservative values in a nation which they falsely portray as essentially conservative. The Democrats' attempts to erect the biggest tent to accommodate the widest ranges of interests has not only been a dismal failure, it has aided the propaganda of the right that the Democrats are somehow a lunatic fringe.