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"Transnationalists" don't take immigration reform seriously

 
 
Reply Tue 11 Apr, 2006 05:04 pm
"Transnationalists" don't take immigration reform seriously
By John Leo
Apr 3, 2006

John Leo is a columnist and editor for U.S. News & World Report and a contributing columnist on Townhall.com.

In his 1995 book "The Revolt of the Elites and the Betrayal of Democracy," the late Christopher Lasch argued that America's political and cultural elites had opened up a gap between themselves and ordinary Americans. "Many of them have ceased to think of themselves as Americans in any important sense, implicated in America's destiny for better or worse," he wrote. They are increasingly detached from their fellow citizens and drawn to an international culture, Lasch said, or what we would today call a transnational culture.

Consider the current immigration debate in this light. In the transnational view, patriotism, assimilation and cultural cohesion are obsolete concerns. Borders and the nation-state are on the way out. Transnational flows of populations are inevitable. Workers will move in response to markets, not old-fashioned national policies on immigration. Norms set by internationalists will gradually replace national laws and standards. The world is becoming a single place. Trying to impede this unifying process is folly.

The term "transnationals" specifically refers to those working in and around international organizations and multinational corporations. More broadly, it indicates a cosmopolitan elite with a declining allegiance to the place where they live and work, and a feeling that nationalism and patriotism are part of the past.

To some extent, their worldview cuts across Democratic-Republican and liberal-conservative lines, and reinforces the other concerns that prevent immigration control: the desire for cheap labor and Hispanic votes. Old-line one-worlders and enthusiastic supporters of the United Nations hear the siren call. So do many academics, judges and journalists who attend international conferences and tend to adopt a common consciousness and world outlook.

The interplay between immigration and transnationalism is a flourishing subspecialty in the academic world. Ethnic studies departments, once conceived as a sop to campus minorities, increasingly stress transnationalism, though exactly what professors mean when they use the word is often not very clear. It is now common to hear that transnationalism will be to the first quarter of the 21st century what multiculturalism was to the last 25 years of the 20th.

The large-scale movement of populations is often seen as an indicator of the coming world society. To transnationalists, it is a positive development that reveals the weakness of the nation-state and adds to that weakness. Loyalties and commitments are diffused. One transnational scholar writes, "Traditional notions like citizenship, political activity, entrepreneurship and culture are de-linked from specific places and spaces."

This theme hums through some of the immigration debate, but transnationalists have hardly been frank in discussing their views. What appears to be primarily a problem of labor, border control and one particular failed economy -- Mexico's -- is to some people an inevitable and welcome stage in the decline of the nation-state. Besides, large-scale immigration helps to deconstruct the traditional historical narrative of the target nation, a traditional item on the multicultural agenda.

Partly because of immigration, the British government appointed a commission on the future of multiethnic Britain. It concluded that "Britishness" had "has systematic, largely unspoken, racial connotations." The report said Britain should be formally "recognized as a multicultural society" whose history must be "revised, rethought, or jettisoned."

John Fonte, of the Hudson Institute, notes that "transnationalism," like "global governance" and "multiculturalism," are presented by advocates as irresistible forces of history. Not so, he says. They are "ideological tools, championed by activist elites."

The astonishing aspect of the immigration debate is that the elites think they can override the clear and huge resistance of the American people. As columnist Tony Blankley wrote last week, the Senate was prepared to "legislate into the teeth of the will of the American public."

Lopsided majorities, which normally stay the hand of Congress, want the federal government to take charge and get tougher on illegal immigration. In last month's Quinnipiac University poll, 88 percent of all respondents said illegal immigration is a serious problem (57 percent "very serious," 31 percent "somewhat serious"). Among immigrants or their children and grandchildren, the figure was 83 percent. "Red state, blue state and purple state. Illegal immigration is a serious problem," said Maurice Carroll, the director of the Quinnipiac University Polling Institute. If the majority really wants to win on this, all it has to do is raise the heat on Congress and defeat the amnesty-light non-reforms.
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BumbleBeeBoogie
 
  1  
Reply Tue 11 Apr, 2006 05:07 pm
Transnationalism
Transnationalism
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The concept of transnationalism is focused on the heightened interconnectivity between people all around the world and the loosening of boundaries between countries. The nature of transnationalism has social, political and economic impacts that affect people all around the globe.

The concept of transnationalism has facilitated the flow of people, ideas and goods between regions. It has been greatly affected by the internet, telecommunications, immigration and most importantly globalization. Concepts like citizenship, nationalism and communitarianism are being changed and reexamined with this phenomenon of the modern age.

Transnationalism is often linked to internationalism but differs in the sense that internationalism proper refers to global co-operation between nation states, while transnationalism aims to global co-operation between peoples, and the obliteration of nation states.

Transnationalism is closely related to cosmopolitanism. If transnationalism describes the individual experience, cosmopolitanism is the philosophy behind it. Transnational life styles could be precursor to a cosmopolitan world government.

Diasporas are a historical precursor to modern transnationalism. However, unlike people with transnationalist lives, most diasporas have not been voluntary.
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BumbleBeeBoogie
 
  1  
Reply Tue 11 Apr, 2006 05:10 pm
Transnationalism and Globalism; defining the term
Transnationalism & Globalism
Defining the term

In sweeping strokes, we can understand "globalism" as an alternate term for "postcolonialism" itself. The two terms share the idea of cosmopolitan centers in changing relations with rural areas and the emerging metropolises of the Third World. For the purposes at least of this page, however, we will use "Globalism" to refer to economic relations and shifts in modes of production that occur between financial centers like New York, Tokyo, London, and Los Angeles and emerging nations around the world. Usually narrated as in positive processes like "investement," "progress" and "development," activists and scholars around the world have begun to discuss globalism with ambivalence as they unpack profound assymmetries between center and periphery.

Although the most visible actors in these relations are abstract, imagined entities called "Trans-" or "Multi-National Corporations" (MNCs), the sites where such corporations set up shop, or do not, become the crucibles for radical change in material conditions and cultural production and potential sites of resistance from people whose lives have changed dramatically, as often asnot for the worse, despite the rhetoric of progress.

Flexible Accumulation

Although many theorists have offered engaging descriptions of Late Capital's strategies, geographer David Harvey has formulated a succinct and useful set of concepts that captures the way MNCs do business:

Flexible Accumulation ... Rests on flexibility with respect to labour processes, labour markets, products, and patterns of consumption. It is characterized by the emergence of entirely new sectors of production, new ways of providing financial services, new markets, and, above all, greatly intensified rates of commercial, technological, and organizational innovation. It has entrained rapid shifts in the patterning of uneven development, both between sectors and geographical regions.... It has also entrained a new round of what I shall call 'time-space compression" ... In the capitalist world -- the time horizons of both private and public decision-making have shrunk, while satellite communication and declining transport costs have made it increasingly possible to spread those decisions immediately over an ever wider and variegated space. (The Condition of Postmodernity , 147)

Flexible accumulation, then, belies the nature of corporations that are not so "multi-" as much they are "trans-". Transnational accumulation does not occur equally between geographical areas, but rather in specific locations-- Wall and Bond Streets, for example-- with transactions that transgress no end of boundaries with increasing speed.

For people living in locations affected, directly or indirectly, by the presence of MNCs, the ebb and flow of global capital becomes an destabilizing force, something to follow or find and that seems to value them as labor. In turn, however, new found cash incomes create new markets consisting of people not previously thought of as viable consumers. In the worst case scenario, peoples marginal to urban centers where MNCs are headquartered become doubly exploited, first as labor and later as consumers. Both processes increase accumulations of capital far from the sites where goods are produced.

Cultural Implications

Focusing on the cultural implications of transnational capital, anthropologist Arjun Appadurai has tendered a useful set of terms for a world that has undergone what he calls, after Deleuze and Guattari, "deterritorialization." In Appadurai's scheme a variety of "-scapes"-- ethnoscapes, mediascapes, technoscapes, finacescapes and ideoscapes-- are constantly at play. Most crucial and human among these post-territorial scapes are the ethnoscapes "... who make up the shifting world in which we live: tourists, immigrants, refugees, exiles, guest-workers and other groups and persons [that] constitute an essential feature of the world and appear to affect the politics of and between nations to an unprecedented degree."

Where cultural practice takes hold in the interstices of this transnational culture is in the production of the imagination, a term Appadurai uses not in an individual sense, but rather in terms of "a social practice." New or refined forms of media financed by ideologically thick apparati produce what is possible, what we can imagine in and between cultural and geographic boundaries.

In his considerations of mediascapes, Appadurai harkens back to Guy Debord, theorist of the spectacle, who examined a technologically accelerated process by which a new mode of spectacular production transforms social relations in a total frame: "The spectacle is not a collection of images; rather, it is a social relationship between people that is mediated by images.... The spectacle is capital accumulated to the point where it becomes image."

Extending this framework, Rey Chow follows spectacular logic to the point of inversion, as the visuality of the transnational society of the spectacle finds media supplanting imagination in creating what she calls "Postmodern Automatons." Her first step in locating an arena for a feminist intervention in global power relations comes in recognizing that "... a perception of the spectacular cannot be separated from technology, which turns the human body into the site of experimentation and mass production." Once spectacle dissolves human agency, it finds the human body a fertile site for production.
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littlek
 
  1  
Reply Tue 11 Apr, 2006 05:10 pm
It's a small worldism.
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edgarblythe
 
  1  
Reply Tue 11 Apr, 2006 05:14 pm
I've long felt that these people have no homeland loyalty.
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BumbleBeeBoogie
 
  1  
Reply Tue 11 Apr, 2006 05:15 pm
Edgar
edgarblythe wrote:
I've long felt that these people have no homeland loyalty.


Their only allegience is to themselves and the rest of us be damned!

BBB
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dyslexia
 
  1  
Reply Tue 11 Apr, 2006 05:16 pm
I have next to zero homeland loyalty, I'm a humanist.
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dyslexia
 
  1  
Reply Tue 11 Apr, 2006 05:17 pm
I guess I'm an elitist.
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BumbleBeeBoogie
 
  1  
Reply Tue 11 Apr, 2006 05:18 pm
BBB
Their only allegience is to themselves and the rest of us be damned!

I think we are undergoing a major social disclocation world wide as a result of Transnationalism.

BBB
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BumbleBeeBoogie
 
  1  
Reply Tue 11 Apr, 2006 05:19 pm
Dys
dyslexia wrote:
I have next to zero homeland loyalty, I'm a humanist.


I take it you would do away with country borders everywhere more like the One World concept.

BBB
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dyslexia
 
  1  
Reply Tue 11 Apr, 2006 05:23 pm
Re: Dys
BumbleBeeBoogie wrote:
dyslexia wrote:
I have next to zero homeland loyalty, I'm a humanist.


I take it you would do away with country borders everywhere more like the One World concept.

BBB

yeah pretty much, I would like to see us move into the 20th century with an eye towards the 21st. We have some serious catching up to do.
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ossobuco
 
  1  
Reply Tue 11 Apr, 2006 05:26 pm
My idealist self agrees with dys.
My regular self says we're not there yet..
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dyslexia
 
  1  
Reply Tue 11 Apr, 2006 05:43 pm
FDR was porbably the most elitist president of the 20th century. Aside from bending the constituion to fit his desires, I think he was a pretty good president. Richard Nixon was a populist.
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sunlover
 
  1  
Reply Tue 11 Apr, 2006 06:05 pm
Well, tell that to the Jihadists, those who are still remembering the last battle in the Crusades and wanting revenge. Tell that to those traitor countries who were making nasty litttle agreements with Saddam Husseim, for oil just for themselves and nevermind anybody else.

Perhaps we need a new FDR. Those who have announced they may run for next president scare the people half to death. Each is all set for their various little revenge games.

Transnationalism, huh? Sounds good, actually, but it make take 20 years.
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BumbleBeeBoogie
 
  1  
Reply Tue 11 Apr, 2006 06:06 pm
Dys
How would you deal with the social dislocation with the elimination of borders?

What would be the monetary basis of a borderless world? The Dollar? The Euro? The Yuan?

How would the Courts operate and on what legal basis?

BBB
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BumbleBeeBoogie
 
  1  
Reply Tue 11 Apr, 2006 06:09 pm
sunlover wrote:
Transnationalism, huh? Sounds good, actually, but it make take 20 years.


More like one or two centuries if the Islamic nations are not included. I can't imagine combining the Islamic nations with non-Muslim countries unless Islamic goes through a religious Reformation as the Christians did.

The concept of Transnationalism wouldn't work unless everyone became Buddhists.

BBB
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dyslexia
 
  1  
Reply Tue 11 Apr, 2006 06:12 pm
BBB you're really grasping at straws here.
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BumbleBeeBoogie
 
  1  
Reply Tue 11 Apr, 2006 06:43 pm
Dys
dyslexia wrote:
BBB you're really grasping at straws here.


You think Buddhists cannot be successful Transnationalists? I wonder what Asherman would say?

BBB
0 Replies
 
dyslexia
 
  1  
Reply Tue 11 Apr, 2006 07:20 pm
I would venture that Buddhists can only be transnationalists. Think Doctors without borders.
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BumbleBeeBoogie
 
  1  
Reply Wed 12 Apr, 2006 07:26 am
Dys
dyslexia wrote:
I would venture that Buddhists can only be transnationalists. Think Doctors without borders.


Good analogy---except that each doctor's home base are from different countries.

The reason that I don't think the Islamic countries can morph into a one world concept is their adherence to Shariah Law over all secular laws.

http://www.shariah.net/

BBB
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