Obama '08?

Foxfyre wrote:

I don't believe I referred to plans at all CI. I was talking about something entirely different than plans. I'm talking about a person who can project himself as somebody competent to be President and why he might avoid situations that would give a different impression than that.

But here is an EXAMPLE of what he sounded like when his ear piece stopped working and his staff couldn't feed him what he should say. Fluke? Or typical? His campaign intends that we never find out.

Cripes, Foxy!

McCain, the master of the townhall, has made his share of gaffes. And they're not always just along the lines of getting a word wrong and make him the butt of jokes. Several times, those "gaffes" have been enough to raise eyebrows: did he really mean that America went to war because of oil? Does he really have no clue about the Iran-al Qaeda relationship? Did he really just say that having troops in Iraq for 100 years would be a-okay?


And, of course, the dementis always come in as soon as those gaffes are pointed out to his campaign: no, he didn't mean that the invasion of Iraq was about oil - he was talking about the first Gulf War. Iran training al Qaeda? No, they're training extremists. And the whole kerfuffle about 100 years of war? Ah, no, he never meant that. What he meant to say was that he wants to keep troops in Iraq as long as it takes to win the war - and once Iraq has become a peaceful democracy, like Germany or Japan or South Korea, nobody would object to having troops there, right?


Now, using your reasoning: is that a person that is projecting himself as somebody competent to be President? Is he really as brilliant in a townhall setting as the right claims he is? What about all his gaffes? Flukes? Or typical?

Well, according to his campaign, what he's saying is just constantly misinterpreted. Okay.

But neither is there a YouTube clip of McCain completely losing it and becoming incoherent because he didn't have his script in front of him or being fed to him.

CAMPAIGN 2008
Barack's Bounce

The latest NEWSWEEK Poll shows the Democrat with a 15-point lead over McCain.
By Michael Hirsh | Newsweek Web Exclusive
Jun 20, 2008 | Updated: 3:37 p.m. ET Jun 20, 2008

I don't think McCain can burn those bridges between him and Bush. It's too late in the game, and he can't start flip-flopping now.

As long as you are making predictions, Deist, here is one that I think is under the radar right now. You are too young to remember the 1968 Dem convention in Chicago that was, inside and particularly outside the hall, raucous. Vietnam.
I think the Repub convention in Minneapolis could be similar, although not as big or violent. Iraq and the economy.
I am neither advocating nor condoning this. I just am predicting it will happen.

As long as you are making predictions, Deist, here is one that I think is under the radar right now. You are too young to remember the 1968 Dem convention in Chicago that was, inside and particularly outside the hall, raucous. Vietnam.
I think the Repub convention in Minneapolis could be similar, although not as big or violent. Iraq and the economy.
I am neither advocating nor condoning this. I just am predicting it will happen.

Getting to Know Obama

By David S. Broder
Sunday, June 22, 2008; Page B07

We are barely at the beginning of the long period in which most Americans will give their first serious scrutiny to the presidential candidates and decide whether Barack Obama or John McCain will get their vote.

Americans have many questions about both men. In the Post-ABC News poll last week, only half of those interviewed said they felt they knew an adequate amount about the candidates' stands on specific issues. Voters split evenly on who would be the stronger leader, and they showed great uncertainty about which, if either, would be a safe choice for the White House.

Obama leads on domestic, economic and social issues, but McCain is a strong favorite on national security and terrorism. The former POW's personal appeal looms as the strongest barrier to the Democratic victory indicated by the towering majorities that disapprove of President Bush (68 percent) and that fear the country is headed seriously on the wrong track (84 percent).

Despite those fundamental weaknesses in the Republican position, McCain trails Obama in that same poll by only six points, hardly an impossible margin to overcome. What may be crucial in the end is whether people become comfortable with the prospect of Obama as their president.

McCain benefits from a long-established reputation as a man who says what he believes. His shifts in position that have occurred in this campaign seem not to have damaged that aura. Obama is much newer to most voters, less familiar and more dependent on the impressions he is only now creating.


That is why a pair of strategy decisions made in the past two weeks could prove troublesome for him. The first was Obama's turning down McCain's invitation to join him in a series of town hall meetings where they would appear together and answer questions from real voters -- without a formal agenda, press panel or professional interviewers.

Obama's manager initially called the idea "appealing," but nine days later, when David Plouffe got around to responding, he countered with something quite different from the 10 informal discussions McCain proposed holding before the late-summer nominating conventions. Plouffe said that in addition to the three traditional debates under official sponsorship later in the fall, there could be only two others -- one on economics on July 4 and another on foreign policy in August.

The McCain side said that few Americans would sacrifice their Independence Day holiday to watch a debate and reiterated its offer to meet Obama anywhere he wanted on any of the next 10 Thursdays.

At a news briefing last week, Obama spokesman Robert Gibbs characterized that as a "take it or leave it" stance by the Republicans and suggested that discussions were finished.

At the same briefing, Gibbs and campaign counsel Bob Bauer defended Obama's decision to become the first presidential candidate since the Watergate reforms to decline public financing of his general election campaign.

Gibbs and Bauer in effect blamed McCain, saying repeatedly that he was "gaming the system" by pledging to accept public funds while saying he could not "referee" spending by outside independent groups if it occurred. In fact, McCain had been far more vocal in denouncing such groups on the GOP side than Obama was in criticizing their counterparts playing Democratic presidential politics -- even though Obama has claimed the mantle of campaign finance reformer that McCain has long enjoyed.

Obama supporters note that town halls are McCain's favorite campaign settings, so it's no surprise he prefers them to formal speeches, where Obama excels. They point out that public financing helps McCain, who has lagged all year in his private fundraising, while it would inhibit Obama, who has tapped into a rich vein of small contributors using the Internet.

But it's also the case that the multiple joint town meetings McCain proposed would be a real service to the public and that suspending the dollar chase for the duration of the campaign, as McCain but not Obama will do, would be a major step toward establishing the credibility of the election process.

By refusing to join McCain in these initiatives in order to protect his own interests, Obama raises an important question: Has he built sufficient trust so that his motives will be accepted by the voters who are only now starting to figure out what makes him tick?