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This, however, is going to require the tort reform part of the equation to relieve doctors and hospitals of liability if they don't over prescribe or over test or whatever to avoid lawsuits. Then we can hash out whether government insurance or private insurance is the way to go and how best to make that affordable.
The one thing I don't think we can shake is that medicine was much more affordable before the government became involved with it, and education was far superior to what we have after the feds started meddling with it. Is federal involvement the problem? Or were the problems inevitable?
And yes, I agree there is no consitutional provision for the federal government to be involved with either. I'm not entirely convinced it is illegal for it to be involved, however.
Please let me know why you are not entirely convinced about my interpretation of the Constitution.
ican711nm wrote:Please let me know why you are not entirely convinced about my interpretation of the Constitution.
It is mostly because I have not thought it through enough to be entirely comfortable with my own opinion on this. This is another way of saying that you may be absolutely right, but I just haven't yet arrived at that conclusion myself.
I was taught that the 10th Amendment conveys the truth that "all is retained that has not been surrendered" and that suggests both a right to retain and a right to surrender. When you consider the breadth and depth of constitutional responsibilities regarding defense, policing, trade, and necessary regulation, we might have to look at what the Federal government has appropriated and what the states have voluntarily surrendered to determine legality. I don't know. But maybe in the course of these discussions, I'll know more.
Amendment X
The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states respectively, or to the people.
Article V
The Congress, whenever two thirds of both houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose amendments to this Constitution, or, on the application of the legislatures of two thirds of the several states, shall call a convention for proposing amendments, which, in either case, shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of this Constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the several states, or by conventions in three fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the Congress; provided that no amendment which may be made prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any manner affect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article; and that no state, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate.
Article VI
All debts contracted and engagements entered into, before the adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United States under this Constitution, as under the Confederation.
This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof; and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land; and the judges in every state shall be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding.
The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the members of the several state legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers, both of the United States and of the several states, shall be bound by oath or affirmation, to support this Constitution; but no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public trust under the United States.
The constitution has nothing in it regarding speed limits, yet we have them.
The constitution needs to be seen as the bedrock of our govermant from which our laws have sprung and transformed over the last 230+ years. We have many laws about things in the books that are not found within the confines of the constitution, yet they are legally binding.
Article I.
Section 8. The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States; but all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States;
To borrow money on the credit of the United States;
To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several states, and with the Indian tribes;
To establish a uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United States;
To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and fix the standard of weights and measures;
To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the United States;
To establish post offices and post roads;
To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing for limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries;
To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court;
To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and offenses against the law of nations;
To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and water;
To raise and support armies, but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than two years;
To provide and maintain a navy;
To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces;
To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the union, suppress insurrections and repel invasions;
To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, reserving to the states respectively, the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress;
To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such District (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular states, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of the government of the United States, and to exercise like authority over all places purchased by the consent of the legislature of the state in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dockyards, and other needful buildings;--And
To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof.
Section 8. The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States; but all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States;
Actually I think the states set all speed limits even on federal highways that pass through the states. Where the federal government manipulates that as happened during the 55 mph era is to withhold federal highway monies from states who don't comply with a federal mandate.
I think that choosing to "withhold federal highway monies from states who don't comply with a federal mandate" is a significant exercise of fed power whether or not the fed limits itself -- it doesn't -- to setting a particular speed limit for interstate highways.
But when it comes to legality, look how much wiggle room there is in this provision:
Quote:Section 8. The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States; but all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States;
That general welfare clause in Section 8 is the one that I think the federal government, especially the Left leaning members, can use to apply to just about anything. Unfortunately it also mandates that a one-size-fits-all mandate is required. As visionary as they were, I don't think our founders ever in their wildest dreams envisioned a country as big, as heavily populated, and as diverse as the United States of American has become. If they did, I think they would have written Section 8 much differently.
provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States
but all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States
Main Entry: 1im·post
Pronunciation: 'im-"pOst
Function: noun
Etymology: Middle French, from Medieval Latin impositum, from Latin, neuter of impositus, past participle of imponere
: something imposed or levied : TAX
Amendment XVI (1913)
The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes on incomes, from whatever source derived, without apportionment among the several states, and without regard to any census of enumeration.
However, I think it fortunate that it requires "one-size-fits-all" mandates. Otherwise, Congress would legally rather than illegally-- as it does now -- mandate programs to satisfy only those specific groups of citizens with the most votes or the most campaign contributions.
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But somewhat related and in direct response to the 'one-size-fits-all' mandate, why can't it be enlarged on the spending side? On another thread (or perhaps at a different site--I can't remember), I quoted a Walter Williams essay suggesting that the way to eliminate most of the monetary influence/pressures on Congress is to pass one simple provision:
Whatever benefit Congress offers to one person/group, it must offer
to everybody. In other words, if you're going to pay one group a
subsidy to not raise pigs, you have to give the same subsidy to
everybody who doesn't raise pigs. You can't pass a regulation
that benefits one industry without giving all industries the same
benefit, etc. (I'm really paraphrasing here.)
Paraphrase or not, I love it!
This would effectively pull the teeth of all lobbyists and special interest groups wanting favors for themselves as any favors granted would benefit everybody. And that would essentially eliminate the incentive and ability of congress to favor anybody.
That just might push all this stuff back to the states where it belonged in the first place?
As we sometimes say in Texas, Yee Haw!
I'm sure there's a million holes in this theory, but it sure looks good at face value.
OK! As much as I do not want to, let's look at the possible downside (i.e., possibility of a "million holes").
What about the physically and/or mentally handicapped? They are only a small portion of the population, but if the feds were to help them, under Walter Williams's proposal the feds would have to provide the same help to all physically and/or mentally handicapped plus to all those not physically and/or mentally handicapped.
Solution: Do not let the feds help the physically and mentally handicapped! Leave it to private charities to do that. They will more likely provide effective help custom tailoring their help to the wide differences in the kind and degree of handicaps.
But what if the private charities do not get enough contributions to do all they think is required? They'll have to budget their help appropriately. Besides Americans are far too charitable to fail to help others who truly require it (e.g., private aid to Katrina victims examle: a huge number of businesses and private pilots flew medicines, food, clothing, transportation, shelter, etc. to working airports in Louisiana). Also private charities will concentrate on helping people to help themselves, thereby relieving themselves of their clientele as soon as practical in order to make sure they have enough for those who truly continue to require it.
The only hole I can currently perceive is possibly one caused by a ubiquitous human flaw, that if not addressed, will scuttle the whole program. Envy! I believe that most of the wealth transfer programs that are currently on the books are not really motivated by a sincere desire to help the less fortunate, but are there to reduce what others accumulate or accomplish. In other words, they are on the books to cut down competition, by entrapping others into a permanent state of dependence.
How shall we manage control of that flaw and get everyone to root for everyone to excel regardless of how well everyone one is doing? Yes, get everyone to root for everyone more accomplished then themselves as much as they root for those less accomplished than themselves.
I don't know the answer. Teaching the envious what is actually in their own self-interest is perhaps one way. However, I've noticed that a large percentage of the envious knowingly do not serve their own self-interest by the way they express their envy.
I personally root for Bill Gates to double his fortune by providing double the value he has up to now provided. Besides I know that Bill doubling his fortune that way is in my own self-interest in that it increases the probability I will get what I want whether that be Bill's intention or not.
According to my envious acquaintenances that makes me weird.
Ok Foxfyre, now I'm in the mood to discuss tort reform.
What do you think of this formula?
No tort award in a legal suit should exceed four times actual damages.
Here's where that four comes from:
(1) Actual Damages;
(2) Punitive Damages should not exceed actual damages;
(3) Pain and Suffering should not exceed actual damages;
(4) Reimbursed Legal Expenses should not exceed actual damages.
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1) How do you determine 'actual damages' when it is the loss of a life or a limb or a bodily function due to the negligence or carelessness of another? This is and has always been the unquantifiable element of these kinds of suits. Thus limiting a tort award to any multiple of 'actual damages' is meaningless when there is no way to quantify the 'actual damages'.
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Wow, Ican, I think we need Tico or other legal expertise on this one. My gut tells me you can't quantify the value of a person's life though I know it happens in lawsuits. For instance an infant is worth less than a teenager; a 40-year-old bread winner is worth more than an 80-year-old. But there are so many variables. Is the negligent death of a mother limited to just dollars and cents or do you factor in the pain and suffering of children growing up without a mother, the children she and her husband had hoped for and will now never have, etc.
And if it was unintentional negligence, wouldn't that need to be factored against intentional negligence?
Maybe we'll have a friendly attorney chime in here.