The Bush administration is pro-torture.

Frank Apisa
Reply Tue 2 Aug, 2005 10:33 am
Sturgis wrote:

Since you like counting games so much here we go.

1)Sorry to have called you a bad name, your ranting confused me.

No problem. If you had called me a Republican or a conservative, though, we would have had to do battle.

Conservatives like yourself, by the way, are fools steadying the hand of people trying to cut your throats.

Back a ways...conservatives enjoyed tweaking liberals and Democrats with comments about "helping blacks...who laugh at you and use you."

Sturgis...the conservatives and Republicans using you are laughing at you...and probably have trouble understanding how you fools can be as naive as you are.

2)I find very little that could be said to be wrong with our current administration which cannot be said about the preceding one.

And you consider that a point in favor of this administration????

Jeez, I wouldn't have guessed that.

3)Bush is not an embarrassment.

One of the most embarrassing human beings ever to hold high office.

He is only a danger inasmuch as he spends too much time allowing the naysayers to go on and on which eats up precious time. Mercifully he saw the light when it came to Bolton and took control of the reigns. Perhaps this signals a good start for his remaining time as President (sad that we can't elect him again Crying or Very sad)

Obviously he is of the school that says: We've screwed up our country...now let's go screw up the United Nations.

4)He is not stupid. Far from it. Something of an idealist and a dreamer at times; but in no way can this man be thought of as stupid.

George Bush is a f*****g moron.

"Now, we talked to Joan Hanover. She and her husband, George, were visiting with us. They are near retirement - retiring - in the process of retiring, meaning they're very smart, active, capable people who are retirement age and are retiring." -George W. Bush, Alexandria, Va., Feb. 12, 2003

"The war on terror involves Saddam Hussein because of the nature of Saddam Hussein, the history of Saddam Hussein, and his willingness to terrorize himself." -George W. Bush, Grand Rapids, Mich., Jan. 29, 2003

We cannot let terrorists and rogue nations hold this nation hostile or hold our allies hostile.'' -George W. Bush, Des Moines, Iowa, Aug. 21, 2000

"Laura and I really don't realize how bright our children is sometimes until we get an objective analysis." -George W. Bush, CNBC, April 15, 2000

"I understand small business growth. I was one." -George W. Bush, New York Daily News, Feb. 19, 2000

"The senator has got to understand if he's going to have - he can't have it both ways. He can't take the high horse and then claim the low road." -George W. Bush, on Sen. John McCain, speaking to reporters in Florence, S.C., Feb. 17, 2000

"This is Preservation Month. I appreciate preservation. It's what you do when you run for president. You gotta preserve." -George W. Bush, speaking during "Perseverance Month" at Fairgrounds Elementary School in Nashua, New Hampshire, Jan. 28, 2000

"Rarely is the questioned asked: Is our children learning?" -George W. Bush, Florence, S.C., Jan. 11, 2000

You want more??? I've got hundreds of 'em.

5) Are you saying you are going to allow me into your dungeon of despair and negativity in order to file the documental evidence?

You should have a life as filled with pleasure and contentment as mine. Don't spend any time worrying about me. Seek help with your problem. Denial is a bitch.
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Reply Tue 2 Aug, 2005 10:38 am
I still await a SINGLE piece of the 'mounds and mounds' of evidence that ya refferred to, Sturgis.

Or admittance that there is no evidence to back up what you are saying. Either one is fine with me.

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Reply Tue 2 Aug, 2005 12:46 pm
BreatheThePoison wrote:
Did we convict souldiers just a little while ago for degrading POW's? Didnt they look into the accusations that they had been treated in physically harmful ways? If Bush is so for torture why didnt he cover that episode up?

This was covered up. The military knew about the pictures from Iraq and had reports from the International Red Cross but did nothing. Then CBS got the pictures. Suddenly you had an investigation. Remember, the Army had the pictures months before CBS and those guards were still on duty.

BreatheThePoison wrote:
I dont think Bush is perfect, but I do think he's compitent enough to do a thurough investigation on these accusations.

Perhaps, but the investigations so far have not been designed to inspire confidence that justice has been done. Rather than have the military investigate itself, we need a civilian investigation and an independent report at the end. Anything less will always leave questions. Bush has been unwilling to do this and Congress has followed that lead.

BreatheThePoison wrote:
Bush might not be bright, but he does seem to be a just human being, i find it hard to believe that he encourages or even knowingly permits unnessary torture. And besides that, i dont remember him ever being caught in a blatant lie, unlike some of our former leaders.

I think the President and his staff have rationalized the definition of torture to the point where they can sleep at night and say that we are not torturing prisoners. We talk about "stress positions" and "actions short of organ failure" to paint a picture that allows us to use some torture as long as it's not too bad. From the future looking back, it will be obvious that these actions are wrong. I hand it to those like McCain who see it now. If everyone is against torture, what is the problem with using the standard in the Army manual?
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Reply Tue 2 Aug, 2005 01:37 pm
Thanks guys, now i think i understand a littler more clearly. Although i will have to re-read your posts.

Personally, and this is speaking from someone too young and too female to ever have experienced war first hand, i believe there is a place for everything, and a responsibility on the part of everyone involved.

Our nation was founded on the principals that all men are created equal and all men are free. While I agree with us stepping up and stepping in with regards to Iraq i simply cannot agree with the behavior of those in charge. Time and again the Military has tried to step away from the leaders of us people to explore their own agendas. Its not right at all.

It's a lot like older siblings. We have a duty to the rest of the world, and especially to countries we have direct relations with such as Iraq, to set an example by acting in a democratic manor. War is war, and I am not confused with that aspect at all. If we didn't have wars then there would be no progress, or progress in entirely unhealthy directions. But, when the smoke settles and we take in people we feel are at fault, or individuals required for intelligence probing... or even the refugees, we have a duty to treat them the same as if they were our own citizens.

Its sickening to think that people who have enjoyed and protected our democracy can act in such uncivil and tracherous ways to those who we have gone out to help. While the Iraqis who caused all the suffering should be held accountable for their actions, it should be in the same way we would treat a convicted murderer on home soil. Eye for and eye and everyone is blind.

It seems that the military has for too long been a government unto itself, policing and directing our troops. handing out orders to those who have no choice but to follow them and suffer the consequences.

So then the question is, how does a leading world power remain on the top of the hill while still managing a complete remodeling of its entire army? And how do we do this without losing anymore face?
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Reply Tue 2 Aug, 2005 01:48 pm
Ah, an old question, that.

'Riding the Tiger is great; until you try to get off.'

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Reply Tue 2 Aug, 2005 06:28 pm
Cycloptichorn wrote:
I don't hate anything.

I'm asking you to provide not a lot, not two, but ONE piece in your 'mounds and mounds' of evidence to show that Bush and Co. don't support torture. I'd seriously like to read such a piece.

Your first post in this thread and the one directly preceeding this post are both full of vague generalities demonizing Democrats. You discount other's evidence. You refuse to provide evidence of your own. What more can I ask for?

On what metric do you base your opinion of 'wondrous light the world is bathed in under the leadership of George Bush?' Is there even a metric by which you judge things? What objective criteria do you use to judge presidents? What evidence would you provide that the world is better off that Bush is in office?

If you want to discuss things here you'd better bring some sort of backup to your comments, or you will read this kind of post over and over again.

I repeat my challenge. Provide a single piece of evidence that counters the claim that Bushco, who directly authorized what is happening in Guantanamo and AG, is not pro-abuse and pro-torture. I didn't twist any of your words around. I'm asking you to go to an absolute minimum amount of effort, to post a SINGLE article backing up your views, and not an opinion piece either; or admit that you have none.



Darnerd if this doesn't remind me of Raskolnikov in "Crime and Punishment." The magistrate Porfiry suspects Raskolnikov of murdering two women with and ax, but instead of arresting him drives him hysterical with insinuations. Finally, Raskolnikov can't take it anymore and shouts, "Show me your evidence! You have no proof!"

I don't know if Bush is a sociopath or just severly neurotic. How the hell could he sleep at night otherwise?
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Reply Tue 2 Aug, 2005 06:34 pm
Possibly the ultimate torture doesn't even involve touching the victim. I'll refrain from revealing this method in case there are crazies out there reading this.
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Reply Tue 2 Aug, 2005 09:06 pm
coluber2001 wrote:
Possibly the ultimate torture doesn't even involve touching the victim. I'll refrain from revealing this method in case there are crazies out there reading this.

0 Replies
Reply Tue 2 Aug, 2005 09:25 pm
To the extent that torture is ok as a method from the forces of my country, am I discomfitted.

Me, I don't think torture is useful, it seems that it would be what they now say as 'easypeasy' to go one way, if under questioning.
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Reply Wed 3 Aug, 2005 06:21 am

Documents Tell of Brutal Improvisation by GIs
Interrogated General's Sleeping-Bag Death, CIA's Use of Secret Iraqi Squad Are Among Details

By Josh White
Washington Post Staff Writer
Wednesday, August 3, 2005; A01

Iraqi Maj. Gen. Abed Hamed Mowhoush was being stubborn with his American captors, and a series of intense beatings and creative interrogation tactics were not enough to break his will. On the morning of Nov. 26, 2003, a U.S. Army interrogator and a military guard grabbed a green sleeping bag, stuffed Mowhoush inside, wrapped him in an electrical cord, laid him on the floor and began to go to work. Again.

It was inside the sleeping bag that the 56-year-old detainee took his last breath through broken ribs, lying on the floor beneath a U.S. soldier in Interrogation Room 6 in the western Iraqi desert. Two days before, a secret CIA-sponsored group of Iraqi paramilitaries, working with Army interrogators, had beaten Mowhoush nearly senseless, using fists, a club and a rubber hose, according to classified documents.

The sleeping bag was the idea of a soldier who remembered how his older brother used to force him into one, and how scared and vulnerable it made him feel. Senior officers in charge of the facility near the Syrian border believed that such "claustrophobic techniques" were approved ways to gain information from detainees, part of what military regulations refer to as a "fear up" tactic, according to military court documents.

The circumstances that led up to Mowhoush's death paint a vivid example of how the pressure to produce intelligence for anti-terrorism efforts and the war in Iraq led U.S. military interrogators to improvise and develop abusive measures, not just at Abu Ghraib but in detention centers elsewhere in Iraq, in Afghanistan and at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. Mowhoush's ordeal in Qaim, over 16 days in November 2003, also reflects U.S. government secrecy surrounding some abuse cases and gives a glimpse into a covert CIA unit that was set up to foment rebellion before the war and took part in some interrogations during the insurgency.

The sleeping-bag interrogation and beatings were taking place in Qaim about the same time that soldiers at Abu Ghraib, outside Baghdad, were using dogs to intimidate detainees, putting women's underwear on their heads, forcing them to strip in front of female soldiers and attaching at least one to a leash. It was a time when U.S. interrogators were coming up with their own tactics to get detainees to talk, many of which they considered logical interpretations of broad-brush categories in the Army Field Manual, with labels such as "fear up" or "pride and ego down" or "futility."

Other tactics, such as some of those seen at Abu Ghraib, had been approved for one detainee at Guantanamo Bay and found their way to Iraq. Still others have been linked to official Pentagon guidance on specific techniques, such as the use of dogs.

Two Army soldiers with the 3rd Armored Cavalry Regiment in Fort Carson, Colo., are charged with killing Mowhoush with the sleeping-bag technique, and his death has been the subject of partially open court proceedings at the base in Colorado Springs. Two other soldiers alleged to have participated face potential nonjudicial punishment. Some details of the incident have been released and were previously reported. But an examination of numerous classified documents gathered during the criminal investigation into Mowhoush's death, and interviews with Defense Department officials and current and former intelligence officials, present a fuller picture of what happened and outline the role played in his interrogation by the CIA, its Iraqi paramilitaries and Special Forces soldiers.

Determining the details of the general's demise has been difficult because the circumstances are listed as "classified" on his official autopsy, court records have been censored to hide the CIA's involvement in his questioning, and reporters have been removed from a Fort Carson courtroom when testimony relating to the CIA has surfaced.

Despite Army investigators' concerns that the CIA and Special Forces soldiers also were involved in serious abuse leading up to Mowhoush's death, the investigators reported they did not have the authority to fully look into their actions. The CIA inspector general's office has launched an investigation of at least one CIA operative who identified himself to soldiers only as "Brian." The CIA declined to comment on the matter, as did an Army spokesman, citing the ongoing criminal cases.

Although Mowhoush's death certificate lists his cause of death as "asphyxia due to smothering and chest compression," the Dec. 2, 2003, autopsy, quoted in classified documents and released with redactions, showed that Mowhoush had "contusions and abrasions with pattern impressions" over much of his body, and six fractured ribs. Investigators believed a "long straight-edge instrument" was used on Mowhoush, as well as an "object like the end of an M-16" rifle.

"Although the investigation indicates the death was directly related to the non-standard interrogation methods employed on 26 NOV, the circumstances surrounding the death are further complicated due to Mowhoush being interrogated and reportedly beaten by members of a Special Forces team and other government agency (OGA) employees two days earlier," said a secret Army memo dated May 10, 2004.

The Walk-In

Hours after Mowhoush's death in U.S. custody on Nov. 26, 2003, military officials issued a news release stating that the prisoner had died of natural causes after complaining of feeling sick. Army psychological-operations officers quickly distributed leaflets designed to convince locals that the general had cooperated and outed key insurgents.

The U.S. military initially told reporters that Mowhoush had been captured during a raid. In reality, he had walked into the Forward Operating Base "Tiger" in Qaim on Nov. 10, 2003, hoping to speak with U.S. commanders to secure the release of his sons, who had been arrested in raids 11 days earlier.

Officials were excited about Mowhoush's appearance.

The general, they believed, had been a high-ranking official in Saddam Hussein's Republican Guard and a key supporter of the insurgency in northwestern Iraq. Mowhoush was one of a few generals whom Hussein had given "execution authority," U.S. commanders believed, meaning that he could execute someone on sight, and he had been notorious among Shiites in southern Iraq for brutality.

Mowhoush had been visited by Hussein at his home in Sadah in October 2003 "to discuss, among other undisclosed issues, a bounty of US$10,000 to anyone who video-taped themselves attacking coalition forces," according to a Defense Intelligence Agency report.

Military intelligence also believed that Mowhoush was behind several attacks in the Qaim area.

After being taken into custody, Mowhoush was housed in an isolated area of the Qaim base within miles of the Syrian border, according to a situation summary prepared by interrogators.

The heavyset and imposing man was moderately cooperative in his first days of detention. He told interrogators that he was the commander of the al Quds Golden Division, an organization of trusted loyalists fueling the insurgency with mortars, rocket-propelled grenades, sniper rifles, machine guns and other small arms.

In the months before Mowhoush's detention, military intelligence officials across Iraq had been discussing interrogation tactics, expressing a desire to ramp things up and expand their allowed techniques to include more severe methods, such as beatings that did not leave permanent damage, and exploiting detainees' fear of dogs and snakes, according to documents released by the Army.

Officials in Baghdad wrote an e-mail to interrogators in the field on Aug. 14, 2003, stating that the "gloves are coming off" and asking them to develop "wish lists" of tactics they would like to use.

An interrogator with the 66th Military Intelligence Company, who was assigned to work on Mowhoush, wrote back with suggestions in August, including the use of "close confinement quarters," sleep deprivation and using the fear of dogs, adding: "I firmly agree that the gloves need to come off."

Another e-mail exchange from interrogators with the 4th Infantry Division based in Tikrit also suggested "close quarter confinement" in extremely claustrophobic situations, because "discomfort induces compliance and cooperation."

Taking the Gloves Off

A week into Mowhoush's detainment, according to classified investigative documents, interrogators were getting fed up with the prisoner. In a "current situation summary" PowerPoint presentation dated Nov. 18, Army officials wrote about his intransigence, using his first name (spelled "Abid" in Army documents):

"Previous interrogations were non-threatening; Abid was being treated very well. Not anymore," the document reads. "The interrogation session lasted several hours and I took the gloves off because Abid refused to play ball."

But the harsher tactics backfired.

In an interrogation that could be witnessed by the entire detainee population, Mowhoush was put into an undescribed "stress position" that caused the other detainees to stand "with heads bowed and solemn looks on their faces," said the document.

"I asked Abid if he was strong enough a leader to put an end to the attacks that I believed he was behind," the document said, quoting an unidentified interrogator. "He did not deny he was behind the attacks as he had denied previously, he simply said because I had humiliated him, he would not be able to stop the attacks. I take this as an admission of guilt."

Three days later, on Nov. 21, 2003, Mowhoush was moved from the border base at Qaim to a makeshift detention facility about six miles away in the Iraqi desert, a prison fashioned out of an old train depot, according to court testimony and investigative documents. Soldiers with the 3rd Armored Cavalry Regiment and the 101st Airborne Division were running a series of massive raids called Operation Rifles Blitz, and the temporary holding facility, nicknamed Blacksmith Hotel, was designed to hold the quarry.

U.S. troops searched more than 8,000 homes in three cities, netting 350 detainees, according to court testimony. Even though Mowhoush was not arrested during the raids, he was moved to Blacksmith Hotel, where teams of Army Special Forces soldiers and the CIA were conducting interrogations.

At Blacksmith, according to military sources, there was a tiered system of interrogations. Army interrogators were the first level.

When Army efforts produced nothing useful, detainees would be handed over to members of Operational Detachment Alpha 531, soldiers with the 5th Special Forces Group, the CIA or a combination of the three. "The personnel were dressed in civilian clothes and wore balaclavas to hide their identity," according to a Jan. 18, 2004, report for the commander of the 82nd Airborne Division.

If they did not get what they wanted, the interrogators would deliver the detainees to a small team of the CIA-sponsored Iraqi paramilitary squads, code-named Scorpions, according to a military source familiar with the operation. The Jan. 18 memo indicates that it was "likely that indigenous personnel in the employ of the CIA interrogated MG Mowhoush."

Sometimes, soldiers and intelligence officers used the mere existence of the paramilitary unit as a threat to induce detainees to talk, one Army soldier said in an interview. "Detainees knew that if they went to those people, bad things would happen," the soldier said. "It was used as a motivator to get them to talk. They didn't want to go with the masked men."

The Scorpions went by nicknames such as Alligator and Cobra. They were set up by the CIA before the war to conduct light sabotage. After the fall of Baghdad, they worked with their CIA handlers to infiltrate the insurgency and as interpreters, according to military investigative documents, defense officials, and former and current intelligence officials.

Soon after Mowhoush's detention began, soldiers in charge of him "reached a collective decision that they would try using the [redacted] who would, you know, obviously spoke the local, native Iraqi Arabic as a means of trying to shake Mowhoush up, and that the other thing that they were going to try to do was put a bunch of people in the room, a tactic that Mr. [redacted] called 'fear up,' " Army Special Agent Curtis Ryan, who investigated the case, testified, according to a transcript.

Classified e-mail messages and reports show that "Brian," a Special Forces retiree, worked as a CIA operative with the Scorpions.

On Nov. 24, the CIA and one of its four-man Scorpion units interrogated Mowhoush, according to investigative records.

"OGA Brian and the four indig were interrogating an unknown detainee," according to a classified memo, using the slang "other government agency" for the CIA and "indig" for indigenous Iraqis.

"When he didn't answer or provided an answer that they didn't like, at first [redacted] would slap Mowhoush, and then after a few slaps, it turned into punches," Ryan testified. "And then from punches, it turned into [redacted] using a piece of hose."

"The indig were hitting the detainee with fists, a club and a length of rubber hose," according to classified investigative records.

Soldiers heard Mowhoush "being beaten with a hard object" and heard him "screaming" from down the hall, according to the Jan. 18, 2004, provost marshal's report. The report said four Army guards had to carry Mowhoush back to his cell.

Two days later, at 8 a.m., Nov. 26, Mowhoush -- prisoner No. 76 -- was brought, moaning and breathing hard, to Interrogation Room 6, according to court testimony.

Chief Warrant Officer Lewis E. Welshofer Jr. did a first round of interrogations for 30 minutes, taking a 15-minute break and resuming at 8:45. According to court testimony, Welshofer and Spec. Jerry L. Loper, a mechanic assuming the role of guard, put Mowhoush into the sleeping bag and wrapped the bag in electrical wire.

Welshofer allegedly crouched over Mowhoush's chest to talk to him.

Sgt. 1st Class William Sommer, a linguist, stood nearby.

Chief Warrant Officer Jeff Williams, an intelligence analyst, came to observe progress.

Investigative records show that Mowhoush "becomes unresponsive" at 9:06 a.m. Medics tried to resuscitate him for 30 minutes before pronouncing him dead.

In a preliminary court hearing in March for Williams, Loper and Sommer, retired Chief Warrant Officer Richard Manwaring, an interrogator who worked with Welshofer in Iraq, testified that using the sleeping bag and putting detainees in a wall locker and banging on it were "appropriate" techniques that he himself used to frighten detainees and make them tense.

Col. David A. Teeples, who then commanded the 3rd Armored Cavalry Regiment, told the court he believed the "claustrophobic technique" was both approved and effective. It was used before, and for some time after, Mowhoush's death, according to sources familiar with the interrogation operation.

"My thought was that the death of Mowhoush was brought about by [redacted] and then it was unfortunate and accidental, what had happened under an interrogation by our people," Teeples said in court, according to a transcript.

The CIA has tried hard to conceal the existence of the Scorpions. CIA classification officials have monitored pretrial hearings in the case and have urged the court to close much of the hearing on national security grounds. Redacted transcripts were released only after lawyers for the Denver Post challenged the rulings.

Autopsy Shields CIA

The Armed Forces Institute of Pathology's standard "Autopsy Examination Report" of Mowhoush's death was manipulated to avoid references to the CIA. In contrast to the other autopsy reports of suspicious detainee deaths released by the Army, Mowhoush's name is redacted and under "Circumstances of Death," the form says: "This Iraqi [redacted] died while in U.S. custody. The details surrounding the circumstances at the time of death are classified."

Williams was arraigned yesterday on a murder charge and is scheduled for court-martial in November, a Fort Carson spokeswoman said. Welshofer's court-martial is set for October. Loper and Sommer have not been referred for trial. Commanders are still considering what, if any, punishment to impose.

Frank Spinner, an attorney for Welshofer, said his client is going to fight the murder charge. Reading from a statement prepared by Welshofer during his Article 32 hearing this spring, Spinner quoted his client as saying that he is proud of the job he did and that his efforts saved U.S. soldiers' lives. "I did not torture anyone," Spinner quoted him as saying.

William Cassara, who represents Williams, cited Mowhoush's brutal encounters in the days before he died as possibly leading to his death. He said Williams, who was not trained in interrogation tactics, had little to do with the case.

"The interrogation techniques were known and were approved of by the upper echelons of command of the 3rd ACR," Cassara said in a news conference. "They believed, and still do, that they were appropriate and proper."
Staff writer Dana Priest contributed to this report.

(posted the whole of it for those who don't subscribe to the washington post; bolded parts by me, obviously)
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Reply Wed 3 Aug, 2005 06:07 pm
Gitmo Captives Say Medical Personnel Approved, Participated in Abuses

Saeed Sarim, a Yemeni detainee held by American captors at Guantánamo Bay, said that when a special squad of guards attacked him in 2003, one of the Guantánamo medical staff was in the room advising guards on how to beat him.

"He was regulating the process of the beating," Sarim said of the clinician, according to interviews conducted with detainees by the international law firm Allen & Overy. "This nurse who is regulating the beating process, he is the same person that was distributing medicine previously."

Another Yemeni detainee, Abdulaziz Al-Swidi, also told interviewers he observed nurses participating in beatings during interrogations at Guantánamo.

"The nurse participated with the riot squad by helping putting something in my nose to make me unable to breathe, and this is the same nurse that dispenses medicine and makes diagnoses," he said.

Sarim, Al-Swidi and other detainees maintain they are afraid to go to the Guantánamo clinic, even when they have serious medical problems, since the nurses there have allegedly participated in and overseen beatings and interrogations, according to Allen & Overy attorney Douglas Cox.

A complaint filed with the California Medical Board by the law firm charges that medical staff at Guantánamo are violating state, federal and international ethics rules by participating in interrogations and abuse of detainees and by sharing detainees' medical records with interrogators, allowing interrogators to use this knowledge to coerce or threaten detainees.
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Reply Sat 6 Aug, 2005 08:06 am
"One of them made cuts in my penis. I was in agony."

Benyam Mohammed travelled from London to Afghanistan in July 2001, but after September 11 he fled to Pakistan. He was arrested at Karachi airport on April 10 2002, and describes being flown by a US government plane to a prison in Morocco. These are extracts from his diary.

They cut off my clothes with some kind of doctor's scalpel. I was naked. I tried to put on a brave face. But maybe I was going to be raped. Maybe they'd electrocute me. Maybe castrate me.

They took the scalpel to my right chest. It was only a small cut. Maybe an inch. At first I just screamed ... I was just shocked, I wasn't expecting ... Then they cut my left chest. This time I didn't want to scream because I knew it was coming.

One of them took my penis in his hand and began to make cuts. He did it once, and they stood still for maybe a minute, watching my reaction. I was in agony. They must have done this 20 to 30 times, in maybe two hours. There was blood all over. "I told you I was going to teach you who's the man," [one] eventually said.

They cut all over my private parts. One of them said it would be better just to cut it off, as I would only breed terrorists. I asked for a doctor.

Doctor No 1 carried a briefcase. "You're all right, aren't you? But I'm going to say a prayer for you." Doctor No 2 gave me an Alka-Seltzer for the pain. I told him about my penis. "I need to see it. How did this happen?" I told him. He looked like it was just another patient. "Put this cream on it two times a day. Morning and night." He gave me some kind of antibiotic.

I was in Morocco for 18 months. Once they began this, they would do it to me about once a month. One time I asked a guard: "What's the point of this? I've got nothing I can say to them. I've told them everything I possibly could."

"As far as I know, it's just to degrade you. So when you leave here, you'll have these scars and you'll never forget. So you'll always fear doing anything but what the US wants."

Later, when a US airplane picked me up the following January, a female MP took pictures. She was one of the few Americans who ever showed me any sympathy. When she saw the injuries I had she gasped. They treated me and took more photos when I was in Kabul. Someone told me this was "to show Washington it's healing".

But in Morocco, there were even worse things. Too horrible to remember, let alone talk about. About once a week or even once every two weeks I would be taken for interrogation, where they would tell me what to say. They said if you say this story as we read it, you will just go to court as a witness and all this torture will stop. I eventually repeated what was read out to me.

When I got to Morocco they said some big people in al-Qaida were talking about me. They talked about Jose Padilla and they said I was going to testify against him and big people. They named Khalid Sheikh Mohamed, Abu Zubaidah and Ibn Sheikh al-Libi [all senior al-Qaida leaders who are now in US custody]. It was hard to pin down the exact story because what they wanted changed from Morocco to when later I was in the Dark Prison [a detention centre in Kabul with windowless cells and American staff], to Bagram and again in Guantánamo Bay.

They told me that I must plead guilty. I'd have to say I was an al-Qaida operations man, an ideas man. I kept insisting that I had only been in Afghanistan a short while. "We don't care," was all they'd say.

I was also questioned about my links with Britain. The interrogator told me: "We have photos of people given to us by MI5. Do you know these?" I realised that the British were sending questions to the Moroccans. I was at first surprised that the Brits were siding with the Americans.

On August 6, I thought I was going to be transferred out of there [the prison]. They came in and cuffed my hands behind my back.

But then three men came in with black masks. It seemed to go on for hours. I was in so much pain I'd fall to my knees. They'd pull me back up and hit me again. They'd kick me in my thighs as I got up. I vomited within the first few punches. I really didn't speak at all though. I didn't have the energy or will to say anything. I just wanted for it to end. After that, there was to be no more first-class treatment. No bathroom. No food for a while.

During September-October 2002, I was taken in a car to another place. The room was bigger, it had its own toilet, and a window which was opaque.

They gave me a toothbrush and Colgate toothpaste. I was allowed to recover from the scalpel for about two weeks, and the guards said nothing about it.

Then they cuffed me and put earphones on my head. They played hip-hop and rock music, very loud. I remember they played Meat Loaf and Aerosmith over and over. A couple of days later they did the same thing. Same music.

For 18 months, there was not one night when I could sleep well. Sometimes I would go 48 hours without sleep. At night, they would bang the metal doors, bang the flap on the door, or just come right in.

They continued with two or three interrogations a month. They weren't really interrogations, more like training me what to say. The interrogator told me what was going on. "We're going to change your brain," he said.

I suffered the razor treatment about once a month for the remaining time I was in Morocco, even after I'd agreed to confess to whatever they wanted to hear. It became like a routine. They'd come in, tie me up, spend maybe an hour doing it. They never spoke to me. Then they'd tip some kind of liquid on me - the burning was like grasping a hot coal. The cutting, that was one kind of pain. The burning, that was another.

In all the 18 months I was there, I never went outside. I never saw the sun, not even once. I never saw any human being except the guards and my tormentors, unless you count the pictures they showed me.
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