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Letter to Steve41oo from Tony Blair. Truth on Iraq war.

 
 
georgeob1
 
  1  
Reply Sun 29 May, 2005 09:15 am
It must be a conspiracy at the hands of all those right wing Europeans.
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Walter Hinteler
 
  1  
Reply Sun 29 May, 2005 09:18 am
You take the words out of my mouth, George Laughing
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georgeob1
 
  1  
Reply Sun 29 May, 2005 09:38 am
I am a moderate myself - perfectly so, just ask me.
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Walter Hinteler
 
  1  
Reply Sun 29 May, 2005 09:59 am
Yes, and the next, you will tell me that aircrafts have a reverse gear.

(No, seriously, you are MOSTLY quite moderate ... compared to others Laughing )
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georgeob1
 
  1  
Reply Sun 29 May, 2005 10:23 am
Well they do have speedbrakes!

Thank you (I think !) Cool I did notice the "MOSTLY" prominently capitalized: also the grudging qualifier, "compared to others".

It's OK, Walter. I find you a pleasant, informative, and engaging person, - compared to other loonie left wing Social Democrats. Razz
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Walter Hinteler
 
  1  
Reply Sun 29 May, 2005 10:30 am
<Why is just now the sky becoming cloudy? And the weather report announces a thunderstorm warning ?>

Speedbrakes ...

http://www.aviation-humor.com/cms/images/media/leeuwispubli/blonk.gif
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dyslexia
 
  1  
Reply Sun 29 May, 2005 10:33 am
Is that skid marks I see in the sky?
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georgeob1
 
  1  
Reply Sun 29 May, 2005 11:15 am
The picture looks familiar. I think I've done that once or twice myself ! :wink:
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JTT
 
  1  
Reply Sun 29 May, 2005 10:26 pm
georgeob1 wrote:
This is propaganda for a particular political view. It is not dispassionate historical analysis.


You're really good at this, George, maligning a person's argument without ever saying anything of substance. You feign a dispassionate character but your quote below seems to illustrate quite clearly that you're either the pot or the kettle, or in this case, maybe both.

Quote:
georgeob1:
I'll confess to the already evident instinct to defend and even justify the actions of my government. Perhaps it is no more than the result of a long habit, but actually I think it is more substantial than that.

I guess everyone claims his tribe's version of loyalty & patriotism is more authentic and essential than that of any other. Perhaps that is a bad thing, but I doubt it.

... It just happens that, at least in part, the current Administration appears to be animated by a similar understanding.

... I don't like zealots or "true believers" of any stripe - by that I mean those who believe they alone know what is good for others, and are ultimately willing to force it on them.

No doubt there are elements of hypocricy in all this, but - what the hell - I'm all I've got.


Did you read the interview with Mr Britt? He hardly came across as one- sided, something I must remind you that you have clearly stated you are. He dealt with all the issues that have been the subject of discussion in this thread in a very even handed manner.

He layed out the historical record very clearly, in a dispassionate fashion. He pointed out the blindness of so many, this may have set you off, reluctant as you are to face the truth.


Quote:


http://www.altweeklies.com/gyrobase/Altweeklies/Story?oid=oid:142120

At the end of Fascism Anyone?, after outlining his 14 points, Britt writes: "Does any of this ring alarm bells? Of course not. After all, this is America, officially a democracy with the rule of law, a constitution, a free press, honest elections, and a well-informed public constantly being put on guard against evils. Historical comparisons like these are just exercises in verbal gymnastics. Maybe, maybe not."

In a recent discussion, we asked Britt to elaborate on the 14 points, with an emphasis on his phrase, "Maybe, maybe not." An edited version of that conversation follows.

City: In your first characteristic of fascism, "Powerful and continuing expressions of nationalism," you mention displaying the flag. I was surprised to see a large one on your porch.

Britt: I put a flag up on Memorial Day, the Fourth of July, Flag Day, and Veterans Day. I don't have it up all the time. There's nothing wrong with pride, it's when pride moves into hubris.

City: Many people who might agree with you about hubris put up flags after 9/11 as a way of saying we're not going to take this country for granted.

Britt: Certainly we need to come together, but we need to come together intelligently. We need to understand why 9/11 happened. I don't think too many people asked why. It was just: We're good; they're evil.

City: Why do you think it happened?

Britt: I don't think it happened because we're the beacon of freedom and opportunity, which is what we heard from the president. It happened because America has been extremely aggressive in the last 50 or 60 years on the world stage and has caused a lot of suffering that most Americans have absolutely no clue about.

We've interfered in the internal affairs of 51 countries --- Lebanon, Syria, Cuba, El Salvador, Columbia, Bolivia, Angola, and many more --- since the end of World War II, putting agents on the ground, interfering with elections, things that, if done to us, would be absolutely outrageous.

Twenty-six countries we've attacked, bombed, invaded, without being asked in. Seventeen we've overthrown governments and in just about every case the result was very bad for the people involved. In virtually every case, the government installed was autocratic. We say we're trying to promote democracy, but that isn't happening. Of the seven fascist countries in the article, we set up three of them: Greece, Chile, and Indonesia.

City: Why, specifically, did bin Laden attack us?

Britt: The upshot of that is we've made a lot of enemies. Bin Laden --- like a lot of other people who turned out to be our enemy --- we were one of his early supporters. The CIA trained and armed him because we believed he would be using the weapons against the Soviet Union in Afghanistan. So this is an example of blow-back.

He clearly said that the reason he was opposing the Soviets was because of religion; they were the infidels. Nobody thought that through, that some day we might be the infidels. Then the Gulf War came along. By the way, bin Laden was particularly incensed with Saddam Hussein because his behavior got the US into the Middle East. There we were with a huge army within miles of Mecca. To his Islamic Fundamentalist mindset, we become an object of hatred. So we fight the Gulf War and stay there, establishing large bases in Saudi Arabia. We become his sworn enemy.

City: Would you have gone after him in Afghanistan after 9/11?

Britt: Obviously he was responsible for what happened in Somalia and for the USS Cole, so obviously we should go after himÂ… or modify our behavior, perhaps.

City: Well, which would you do? Would you go after someone who killed 3,000 Americans?

Britt: Once that happened you have to go after him strongly, which is not what the Bush Administration did. But to learn from the event you have to understand what led up to it, and I think we're going to continue to be the enemy of a lot of people as long as our foreign policy continues to be this aggressive and laced with hubris. Plus, we have no allies now.

City: Your second characteristic is "Disdain for the importance of human rights." What are some cases you're thinking of?

Britt: Guantanamo, Abu Ghraib, the Patriot Act.

City: The argument is: it's a different world today with chemical weapons, where one person can cause much more harm than during, say, World War II. Do you think it's different in terms of dealing with prisoners of war or suspected terrorists?

Britt: Just one point: All of these are descriptions of characteristics of fascism in the seven regimes that I talk about. I didn't say, per-se, this is what's happening in the US.

City: But you wink at the end and question whether it's going on here. That is your implication, isn't it?

Britt: Of course. But I'm not saying all 14 are happening in America.

City: But I want to see which you think are. The argument is we're seeing new forms of killing that weren't there before.

Britt: Bush's nominee for Attorney General [Alberto Gonzalez], in a memo, talked about how certain aspects of the Geneva Convention might not apply to the prisoners at Guantanamo. I'm kind of astounded that that would be true today, but in World War II when we were facing world-historical enemies, Nazi Germany, we never said anything like that. Look at the threat of World War II compared to these terrorists; it's like nothing.

City: I think the Bush position would be that if an enemy is not following the conventions of war, they're the ones who have changed the rules, hitting soft targets, etc.

Britt: And they did it in one day and they haven't done it since. They never did before and the reason they were able to succeed that day was because of incredible lapses in security. I don't think it will ever happen again, at least not that way.

World War II went on for six years. On an average day in World War II, 35,000 people died. To equate the War on Terror with the magnitude of that kind of conflict and the amount of hysteria that's generated for political purposes is incredible. Yes, it was a spectacular event. Part of the reason was it was covered by cameras and repeated over and over. No other event in history has ever been covered like that. But just think of how many people this year will die from the flu because we don't have flu shots. You can't take a picture of that. So, yes, 3,000 people were killed, but do you turn your democracy on its head?

City: That leads to your next point: "Identification of enemies/scapegoats as a unifying cause." Filmmaker Theo van Gogh was recently murdered by Islamic extremists in the Netherlands for making a film they found offensive. Islamic schools and mosques there have been attacked. After 9/11, there were hardly any attacks against people in the US.

Britt: That's done by the crowds; if you look at government actions it's a lot less sanguine. People have been arrested all over the place, held for months with no charges. People were deported for no reason. The people in Lackawanna, when you get right down to it, there was nothing there.

City: They had been to bin Laden's training camps.

Britt: But nobody had done anything. There was no plotting, no weapons or explosives. The government made them admit something and put them away.

City: Wasn't that caused by the idea of sleeper cells? The people who did 9/11 had been in the country and had used the freedom of the country to do it. Richard Reid was on the plane trying to set off his shoe bomb. And another man was ready to attack LAX. These men had been to al Qaeda training camps; what do you do?

Britt: You need good law enforcement and good intelligence. And act appropriately. What you don't need is hysteria and complete overreaction. We went from being asleep at the switch to being ridiculously over the top so as to give the impression of really doing something even though it might be ineffectual.

The word "terrorist" has become like "communist." John Walker Lindh is turned into a monster and thrown into prison for the rest of his life. It's ludicrous. He was over there at the time of the attack; he certainly had nothing to do with it. He was converted to Islam and became kind of a fanatic. He's fighting with the Taliban, he gets caught, and he's down in the basement of this place strapped to a stretcher. A CIA guy a couple hundred yards away gets killed and we want to prosecute him for the murder. He was a deluded teenager. They should have just let him go. He had parents back in California. People get misguided every day.

City: He had weapons. He was fighting against US troops.

Britt: He was fighting against the Northern Alliance; he was there before we got into the war. For all we know he didn't even know the US was involved before it was too late. It's the kind of hysteria that gets stirred up. I remember the cover of the NY Post: "The Face of a Traitor!"

City: We've touched on point four, "The supremacy of the military/avid militarism," but in these times don't we need a strong military?

Britt: Of course we do. We're a great power with a lot of interests to protect. It's a question of how we're going to use this power. For the most part the American military has a good history compared to most of the militaries of the world.

City: Your next characteristic, "Rampant sexism," deals with issues like abortion and homosexuality. Do you believe, now that Republicans dominate, the clock will be turned back on gay rights and abortion rights? Could it be that these issues are used as political footballs --- very effectively --- but that not even Bush will try to outlaw abortion? And Cheney's own daughter is gay.

Britt: I've heard a lot of people comment since the election that the evangelicals came out in strength to re-elect him and now they want to be paid back. I think Supreme Court appointments could have the effect of overturning Roe v. Wade. Do I think it will pass? Probably not.

City: Number six is "a controlled mass media." I liked the description in your novel, "June, 2004," of a talk show where one liberal is shouted down by two conservatives.

Britt: That's what goes on now. You put the most outrageous person on with someone who's telling the truth. The perception is that the truth is somewhere between this outrageous lie and the truth. And it isn't; the lie is a lie and the truth is the truth. They present it so people will shrug and say, "Who knows?" The accusations of the swift boat guys is one point of view and the denial is another, so it's somewhere in between there, folks.

Almost every pundit show that you see has right-wingers and moderates, that's your choice. There's nobody from the left --- no Noam Chomskys to balance that point of view so you get some sort of middle ground. What you get is the middle and the right and the middle of that is to the right.

City: Is that the media's fault, or do the American people largely range from the middle to the right and Chomsky, for most, is off the scale?

Britt: No. I believe the American people think that way because that's the only thing they ever hear. If you look at who owns the media and their political orientations, how can it be otherwise? Every time I hear this stuff about the liberal media, it's such nonsense. Who owns the media?

There's Murdoch; we know where he is. Sumner Redstone at Viacom is a right-winger. General Electric owns NBC; [former GE CEO] Jack Welsh was a right-winger and [new GE CEO Jeffrey Immelt's] politics are well-known. ABC is owned by Disney, which is owned by Capital Cities, and that's also run by a right winger. How can any journalist who works within that environment ever stray too far to the left?

City: In "June, 2004," the New York Times is the only media vehicle that has a straight point of view. Do you feel that's true today?

Britt: No, I don't. Look at what they did with Clinton. Even the controversy when Clinton left office --- all those pardons --- it seemed like the New York Times was leading the pack in saying how terrible it was. Where is the liberal press?

City: "Obsession with national security" is next. We have the Patriot Act, but even conservatives like William Safire protest its scope. In a time of chemical warfare and suicide bombings, how would you suggest handling security?

Britt: Effectively. The borders are terrible. In one of my books, Terror, written in 2000, shipping containers were part of the plot. All the things exposed in the 9/11 report, the uncoordinated intelligence, the warning on August 6, that should have been all you needed to say step up security at the airports. Flying airplanes into buildings? Well, maybe we should check who's training because I doubt if a pilot is going to become a suicide bomber. It was all so obvious.

City: I guess we don't have to look beyond the election to see your next point: "Religion and ruling elite tied together."

Britt: It's clear that all the ministers out there in the Red states passed out the voting guides and said you'd better elect Bush. If you look at those seven fascist states I based my article on, they all used religion to bring people in line with the government. Of course, going back to monarchies in Europe, they used the church as a way to cow the population. I guess you could say that monarchies were the older form of fascism.

City: In your recent essay, "Resolved: George W. Bush Is the Worst President in American History" (in "Toward a New Political Humanism," Prometheus Books) you make a strong case and yet, he was re-elected. How do explain that? Are you out of touch with the American mainstream?

Britt: Sure! [He laughs.]

City: Let me try it another way. Even conservatives will admit that Bush is not the brightest bulb, but many view the presidency as the team he's got around him. Somehow they averted a follow-up to 9/11, which everybody thought there would be. Deep-down, could that be the reason he won?

Britt: I think there are a lot of reasons that he won. Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting did a study of the 2000 election. They found that the number of negative stories on Gore vs. the number on Bush was like 10 to one. Look at the [Rochester, New York] Democrat & Chronicle. Every day it's full of photo-ops that make Bush look good. I'm sure that's repeated in papers across the country.

Plus the drum beat of right-wing talk radio just saturates, especially in the red states, with no answer. They fight dirty, the Democrats don't. Clinton was accused of being a drug dealer, a murderer. They turned it on McCain four years ago in South Carolina: it's a black baby. They're ruthless and they get away with it.

And the campaign was so lame. Kerry went all through the month of August and he didn't attack. He never answered the swift boat guys. He allowed Bush to be perceived as effective in the fight against terror, which has been an abysmal failure, starting with the fact that it happened in the first place. I've read the 9/11 Report [The National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States] carefully. There's any number of things you could have used for a campaign attack. The August 6 memo is so obvious. Look at the lies [the Republicans] use. And [the memo] isn't even a lie; that's honest.

City: I want to combine the next two: "Power of corporations protected;" "Power of labor suppressed or eliminated."

Britt: It's the union of the government and the corporation. At the FCC, the regulators are in cahoots with the regulated.

City: And we have tax breaks for the rich and a freeze on the minimum wage.

Britt: The power of labor, in history, was seen as the opposition to all the things you were trying to do. You want to make sure their power was limited, so you appoint conservatives to the National Labor Relations Board who will favor management. Overtime rules get screwed up. Everything labor wants they don't get.

City: In terms of number 11, "Disdain and suppression of intellectuals and the arts," I know of one professor kicked out of a Florida University on the grounds that he supported terrorism. But I don't see academics being suppressed. Isn't the wide dissemination of your article proof that free speech is flourishing?

Britt: It isn't blatant yet, but that doesn't mean that in the next few years it won't be. Lynne Cheney led a group, the American Council of Trustees and Alumni. Its objective was to identify faculty who weren't toeing the line and do something about it.

City: Next is "Obsession with crime and punishment." You're talking about our overcrowded prisons?

Britt: It's the emphasis on incarceration. We have the largest prison population in the world. That's not something to be proud of. Politicians compete for who can be toughest on crime. It's throwing raw meat at the electorate and trying to make them hysterical and therefore we'll accept a Draconian criminal justice system.

City: So non-violent criminals shouldn't be in prison?

Britt: Right.

City: Going back to business, you have "Rampant cronyism and corruption."

Britt: You don't have to look any farther than Bush's career; it was cronyism personified. He was set up in businesses to do whatever he wanted. He sold his stock in Harken Energy Corp. before it went under. Who investigates this? The attorney for the Securities and Exchange Commission was a personal friend of his and was the attorney for his family. He was assigned to find out if Bush violated insider trading laws. "No" was his conclusion. It's not investigated because the head of the SEC was appointed by Bush's father. Once he's in office, he and Cheney, all his friends, Bechtel and Halliburton, get all the deals. It's blatant cronyism.

City: Your final characteristic is "Fraudulent elections." There were many reports of possible corruption last month, but even people like David Corn of The Nation concluded that there did not seem to be a strong case.

Britt: Fraudulent elections were used by the seven fascist regimes to maintain power. They just made sure they were going to get the votes and they were ruthless enough to do whatever was necessary. I see certain tendencies of that here. You certainly saw that in Florida in 2000.

There were deep suspicions about many things that happened last month. Maybe it's not enough to turn the election, but it could have been. When they were perpetrated no one knew what the outcome would be, and I'm sure there are a lot of irregularities. Certainly it's in the minds of voters now that you can't trust the results. A democracy, more than anything else, counts on honesty and the integrity of the vote.

City: Looking at the world right now, do you consider the US a fascist state?

Britt: No. By definition it's a democracy. My article is a cautionary tale. This is what I've researched; this is what I've seen; this is what's happened in the past. You can draw your own conclusions: No, this has nothing to do with the United States; or, there are some disquieting trends here that we certainly have to be aware of, and the powers that be exhibit many of these characteristics, and we'd better damn well be careful.
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Piffka
 
  1  
Reply Mon 30 May, 2005 11:51 am
Foxfyre wrote:
Umberto Eco is extremely well credentialed:
http://www.themodernword.com/eco/eco_biography.html

His 14-point description of Fascism bears no resemblance to those presented by Britt, but they are far closer to the conventional definition of Fascism by credible sources.

It is interesting though that Britt's book published in the late 1990's was titled Eco I.

Thanks for the link Piffka.


You are welcome. I think that there is a certain overlap between the two... the sexuality issues, for example, and the nationalism.

Britt said he had researched recent regimes we would consider fascist and looked for similarities which might account for some of the differences. Eco said that any one of his "points" could in itself lead to fascism. I think both essays have merit, but I am no fan of the current administration. Very Happy
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sumac
 
  1  
Reply Mon 30 May, 2005 08:01 pm
Amazing what the mind can sometimes spit out. Adorno, et al. Seminal work on authoritarianism, F-scale. Will go find a citation. The book also discusses how that personality trait, when lumped into large groups of people such as nation states, is correlated with fascism.
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sumac
 
  1  
Reply Mon 30 May, 2005 08:12 pm
Chapter One: Authoritarianism

Quote:
The authoritarian personality dimension (Adorno, Frenkel-Brunswik, Levinson, & Sanford, 1950) was developed in the late 1940s. Susceptibly to totalitarian propaganda is one of the essential components of this dimension (Sanford, 1977).
Adorno et al.'s (1950) research began with a questionnaire developed by Levinson and Sanford. The purpose of this questionnaire was to measure anti-Semitism and to determine correlates of anti-Semitism. Levinson and Sanford concluded that anti-Semitism should be defined as an ideology or a general way of thinking about Jewish people. The next step in Levinson and Sanford's research consisted of interviewing and administering the Thematic Apperception Test to subjects who scored extremely high or low on the anti-Semitism scale (Adorno et al., 1950). Subjects' responses were interpreted in terms of variables related to the authoritarian personality dimension (e.g., ethnocentrism or generalized prejudice).
The interviews and TAT became the basis for determining differences between high and low scorers on the anti-Semitism scale and, eventually, the basis of the authoritarian personality structure (Sanford, 1977). Before describing the dynamics of the authoritarian personality dimension however, Adorno et al. (1950) investigated the relationship between anti-Semitism, ethnocentrism, and political-economic conservatism. The same methodology used in the defining and subsequent testing of anti-Semitism ideology was used in the defining and testing of both ethnocentrism and political-economic conservatism.
On the basis of their work with the anti-Semitism, ethnocentrism, and political-economic conservatism, Adorno et al. (1950) developed the personality structure of authoritarianism. This personality structure reflected ethnocentrism and the basic values and opinions associated with ethnocentrism. Because Adorno et al. (1950) believed that the situation was essential in both producing and eliciting authoritarianism they defined the authoritarian personality as "the potential for fascism, a susceptibility to anti-Semitic propaganda, and a readiness to participate in antidemocratic social movements (Sanford, 1977, p. 142)."
The authoritarian personality consists of nine interrelated personality dispositions. These dispositions are: Conventionalism (an adherence to conventional, middle class values); Submission (an exaggerated emotional need to submit to authority); Aggression (aggression towards non-authority figures); Destruction and Cynicism (rationalized aggression); Power and Toughness (overcompensation for perceived weakness); Superstition and Stereotypy (a tendency to shift responsibility to outside forces beyond one's control and a tendency to think in rigid categories); Anti-intraception (a general impatience with and opposition to subjectivity); Projectivity (a tendency to transfer internal problems to the external world); and Sex (sex as an important concern) (Adorno et al., 1950).
After completing the empirical and theoretical work involved in developing the authoritarian personality dimension, Adorno et al. (1950) set out to construct a scale to measure the dimension - the "F-scale." Each item reflects aspects of the underlying personality disposition (e.g., submission, aggression, etc.).
Current Authoritarian research takes many forms and covers various topics. Research topics include the socialization of authoritarianism (e.g., parental influences on the formation of authoritarianism), authoritarians as leaders, correlates of authoritarianism, validity and assessment of the F-scale, and social issues and authoritarianism (e.g., police officers as authoritarians).
One variable that has been consistently correlated with authoritarianism is conservative political preference (e.g., Byrne & Przybyla, 1980). High scores on the F-scale (indicating authoritarianism) have been associated with preferences for conservative candidates in the 1960, 1964, 1968, and 1980 presidential elections. The relationship between authoritarianism and sexual beliefs has been examined in depth. For example, authoritarians are more likely to judge erotic material as pornographic (Byrne, Cherry, Lamberth, & Mitchell, 1973; Byrne, Fisher, Lamberth, & Mitchell, 1974; Eliasberg & Stuart, 1961), to advocate legal restrictions on pornography (Byrne et al., 1973), and experience negative affect after viewing erotica (Greendlinger & Byrne, 1985). Authoritarians tend label their own sexual arousal as a negative experience (Byrne et al., 1973), and to label sexual arousal in others more negatively than non-authoritarians (Griffitt, 1973).
Narby, Cutler, and Moran (1993) conducted a meta-analysis examining "traditional" and "legal authoritarianism". Legal authoritarianism focuses on beliefs related to the legal system. Their meta-analysis combined results across twenty studies examining the effects of traditional/legal authoritarianism on jury verdicts. Narby et al. (1993) found a stronger relationship between legal, compared to traditional, authoritarianism and jury verdicts. Individuals high in legal authoritarianism, compared to those low in legal authoritarianism, were more likely to convict a defendant. Type of subject moderated this effect. There was a stronger relationship among actual jurors compared to college students. Type of crime also mediated the effect with the strongest relationship existing for felonies, and a stronger relationship for murder than rape.
Altemeyer (1996) defines "right-wing" authoritarianism as the correlation among three beliefs; submission, aggression, and conventionalism. Altemeyer (1996) bases the definitions of these beliefs on Adorno et al. (1950). Submission refers to adhering to perceived authority's "commands." Note that the term "perceived" indicates that not all authoritarians agree on "who is" an authority figure. Aggression refers to a tendency to engage in harmful behavior toward others, most often those perceived as "non-authorities" or social deviants. Conventionalism refers to an endorsement of traditional beliefs (e.g., traditional religious, gender role, and/or political beliefs). Through the course of (approximately) twenty-five years of research, Altemeyer (1996) has found right-wing authoritarianism to be correlated with many submission, aggression, and conventionalism beliefs. Example submission beliefs include right-wing authoritarians' acceptance of illegal wire taps and searches, and lack of support for documents such as the bill of rights. In general submission findings suggest that right-wing authoritarians support "governments' rights" over "individuals' rights." Example aggression findings include that right-wing authoritarians express aggression/hostility toward minorities (e.g., African Americans, Hispanics, and homosexuals), (sexual aggression toward) women, and perceived "radical" groups (e.g., communists, homosexuals, abortionists). Aggression is more likely to occur if it is perceived as sanctioned by authority figures. Example conventionalism findings include that right-wing authoritarians are fundamental in their approach to religion, are likely to conform to societal norms, and to support the Republican Party. It is also interesting to note that Republican, compared to Democratic, Party members/officials (e.g., House and Senate representatives) consistently score high on the Right-Wing Authoritarian scale indicating a greater degree of authoritarianism among Republicans. In addition Republicans, compared to Democrats, are more likely to endorse ethnocentrism. Altemeyer (1996) summarizes other findings among right-wing authoritarians. These include that right-wing authoritarians tend to be less educated and less cognitively complex, are less likely to support environmental preservation, and tend to be opposed to abortion.
Altemeyer (1996) emphasizes the role of hate literature and propaganda as contributing to the development of attitudes consistent with right-wing authoritarianism. One study, conducted in 1992, consisted of a pretest - posttest design. During the pretest subjects responded to items focusing on whether the Holocaust actually occurred. During the posttest one group of subjects read literature denying the occurrence of the Holocaust, while another group of subjects (the control group) simply answered the Holocaust items again. Those subjects who read the literature changed their attitudes from pre to posttest. After reading the literature they were less likely to believe that the Holocaust occurred. This change in attitude occurred among both right-wing authoritarians and "non" right-wing authoritarians. Altemeyer (1996) replicated these findings with several samples focusing on both the same (the Holocaust) and other (homosexuality and anti-feminism) issues, indicating a pervasive effect of (hate) literature on authoritarian attitudes. In additional research, Altemeyer (1996) found that while denials or the Holocaust resulted in altered attitudes (with subjects less likely to believe that the Holocaust occurred), literature providing evidence that the Holocaust actually occurred did not result in any significant attitude change.
In his work, Altemeyer (1996) also considers the possibility of a "left-wing authoritarianism." Similar to right-wing authoritarianism, left-wing authoritarianism consists of submission, aggression, and conventionalism beliefs. However, in this case submission, aggression, and conventionalism involve an "overthrow" of and aggression directed toward authority, and conformity to "revolutionary" norms. Through the course of his research Altemeyer (1996) has found that left-wing authoritarianism occurs (much) less frequently than right-wing authoritarianism. In fact, Altemeyer states that "if you want a living, breathing, scientifically certifiable authoritarian on the left, I have not found a single one (p. 230)." However, Altemeyer (1996) has found "wild-card authoritarians" who display the characteristics of both right and left-wing authoritarianism. The wild-card authoritarians will, for the most part, follow perceived authority. However, if they perceive a threat to the established system of authority they may endorse "revolutionary" tactics to restore "order."
In 1950 Adorno et al. conceptualized a complex personality dimension. Along with this conceptualization came hopes of directions for future research. Adorno et al. (1950) hoped that future researchers would follow in their methodological footsteps: First, determine if an individual difference exists. Second, investigate the intricacies of this individual difference by interviewing individuals. Finally, develop a measure which attempts to capture the individual difference. Several researchers appeared to have followed Adorno et al.'s (1950) suggestions. There is currently an abundance of research conducted on the topic of authoritarianism. Research shows that this individual difference does in fact exist, our understanding of this dimension is quite intricate, and several (reliable and valid) measures have been developed to assess this dimension.
A final note: Sanford (1977) suggests that the authoritarian personality may be a time constricted one. This suggestion is based in large part on the emphasis on situational factors in the development of authoritarianism. Sanford (1977) suggests that due to changing times, the authoritarian personality of the 1940s may not emerge today. He suggests that interested researchers should take this into consideration and attempt to define a new form of the authoritarian personality. Several researchers (e.g., Altemeyer, 1996; Narby et al., 1993) appear to have followed this advice. While they do not expect to (currently) find the type of authoritarian that existed during the time of the Holocaust, they do find authoritarians as related to current social issues (e.g., abortion, approaches to religion, aggression toward homosexuals, emphasis on governmental rights over individual rights, etc.).

References/Further Readings
Adorno, T. W. Frenkel-Brunswik, E., Levinson, D. J., & Sanford, R. N. (1950). The Authoritarian Personality. New York: Harper.
Altemeyer, B. (1996). The authoritarian specter. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Bass, B., H. (1955). Authoritarianism or acquiescence? Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 51, 616-623.
Byrne, D. (1974) An introduction to personality. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall
Byrne, D., Cherry, F., Lamberth, J., & Mitchell, H. E. (1974). Husband-wife similarity in response to erotic stimuli. Journal of Personality, 41, 385-394.
Byrne, D., Fisher, J. D., Lamberth, J., & Mitchell, H. E. (1974). Evaluations of erotica: Facts or feelings. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 29, 111-119.
Byrne, D. & Przybyla, D. P. J. (1980). Authoritarianism and political preferences in 1980. Bulletin of the Psychonomic Society, 16, 471-472.
Byrne, D. & Schulte, L. (1990). Personality dispositions and mediators of sexual responses. In J. Bancroft, C. M. Davis, & D. Weinstein (Eds.), Annual Review of Sex Research, Vol. I. Lake Mills, Iowa: Stoyles Graphic Services.
Cherry, F., & Byrne, D. (1977) Authoritarianism. In T. Blass (Ed.). Personality variables in social behavior (pp. 109-133). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.
Christie, R., & Jahoda, M. (1954). Studies in the scope and method of the authoritarian personality. Connecticut: Greenwood Press.
Dillehay, R. C. (1978). Authoritarianism. In H. London and J. E. Exner, Jr., (Eds.), Dimensions of personality. New York: John Wiley & Sons.
Dustin, D. S., & Davis, H. P. (1967). Authoritarianism and sanctioning behavior. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 6, 222-224.
Eliasberg, W. G., & Stuart, I. R. (1961). Authoritarian personality and the obscenity threshold. Journal of Social Psychology, 55, 143-151.
Epstein, R. (1965). Authoritarianism, displaced aggression, and social status of the target. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 2, 585-589.
Gage, N. L., Leavitt, G. S., & Stone, G. C. (1957). The psychological meaning of acquiescent set. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 55, 98-103.
Greendlinger, V. & Byrne, D. (1985). Content, sex of viewer, and dispositional variables as predictors of affective and evaluative responses to erotic films. Unpublished manuscript, State University of New York at Albany.
Griffit, W. (1973). Response to erotica and the projection of response to erotica in the opposite sex. Journal of Experimental Research in Personality, 6, 330-338.
Heaven, P. C. L. & Greene, R. L. (2001). African Americans' stereotypes of Whites: Relationships with social dominance orientation, right-wing authoritarianism, and group identity. The Journal of Social Psychology, 141 (1), 141-143.
Hyman, H. H., & Sheatsley, P. B. (1954). Authoritarianism reexamined. In R. Christie & M. Jahoda (Eds.) Studies in the scope and method of the authoritarian personality. Connecticut: Greenwood Press.
Kirscht, J. P., & Dillehay, R. C. (1967). Dimensions of authoritarianism: A review of research and theory. Lexington, KY.: University of Kentucky Press.
Krug, R. E. (1961). An analysis of the F-scale: Item factor analysis. Journal of Social Psychology, 53, 34-37.
Larsen, K., S. (1968). Authoritarianism and attitudes towards police. Psychological Reports, 23, 349-350.
Narby. D. J., Cutler, B. L., & Moran. (1993). A meta-analysis of the association between authoritarianism and jurors' perceptions of defendant culpability. Journal of Applied Psychology, 78, 34-42.
O'Neil, W. M. & Levinson, D. J. (1954). A factorial exploration of authoritarianism and some of its ideological concomitants. Journal of Personality, 22, 449-463.
Peterson, B. E. & Lane, M. D. (2001). Implications of authoritarianism for young adulthood: Longitudinal analysis of college experiences and future goals. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 27 (6), 678-690.
Ryckman, R. M., Burns, J. M., Robbins, M. A. (1986). Authoritarianism and sentencing strategies for low and high severity crimes. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 12, 227-235.
Sanford, N. (1973). Authoritarian personality in contemporary perspective. In J. Knutson (Ed.), Handbook of political psychology. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.
0 Replies
 
Steve 41oo
 
  1  
Reply Mon 6 Jun, 2005 02:56 pm
Why did they call it the f*** scale?
0 Replies
 
Walter Hinteler
 
  1  
Reply Mon 6 Jun, 2005 03:13 pm
Fascist/Faschistisch
0 Replies
 
Steve 41oo
 
  1  
Reply Wed 8 Jun, 2005 03:48 am
I guessed that Walter.

But showing my contempt for psychobabble, I prefer to call it the *uck-scale.
0 Replies
 
Steve 41oo
 
  1  
Reply Wed 8 Jun, 2005 05:33 am
But of course there is plenty of other evidence showing Bush's determination to go to war

here is 43 of them

http://www.dailykos.com/storyonly/2005/6/5/184322/3073
0 Replies
 
cicerone imposter
 
  1  
Reply Wed 8 Jun, 2005 08:54 am
Steve, You know as well as everyone else that this information/revelation isn't going to make any difference to those that still support Bush and Company. It's a religion they just can't let go, because their world will otherwise fall apart.
0 Replies
 
 

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