So it appears I won't actually be able to vote - and this time not through any fault of my own. The good people of the Hague's election bureau for non-residents have apparently bolloxed up - or maybe, more likely, the Hungarian mail. Therefore, to compensate for not being able to actually vote, I will have to up my geek-out online and exercise my civic responsibility through charts.
This time, what set me off was some interesting data from Maurice de Hond's polling agency about voting preferences by income group. To find them back, go to
www.peil.nl, and retrieve "Partijvoorkeuren naar inkomen”, 30 May 2010. All I did, really, was to aggregate some of the data and turn them into charts.
First, though, let's summarize.
There will be early elections in the Netherlands next week, on 9 June, after the collapse of the Christian-Democratic/Labour/Christian Union government a couple of months ago.
Judging on the latest polls, the left-wing parties will be losing badly. The Labour Party, which already did very badly four years ago, is set to lose a little further ground still. The Socialist Party, which scored a sensational result in 2006, will now, it seems, fall back to modest levels (although it is enjoying something of a last-minute rally in the polls right now).
On the right, the Christian-Democrats of Prime Minister Balkenende are set to lose many votes as well, but the likely gains for other right-wing parties will more than make up for that.
The right-wing liberal VVD, in particular, is the flavour-du-jour, having gradually risen from less than 15% in the polls two to three months ago to close to 25% now. (The VVD is stridently pro-free market, generally secular and culturally liberal - with the exception of its distinct nationalism and anti-immigrant rhetorics.)
The far right Freedom Party of Geert Wilders is also set to make clear gains, though he isn't riding quite as high in the polls as a couple of months ago, when he was polling up to 17%.
Support for the individual parties is very uneven across income groups, however, as you'd expect. (I suppose that the more parties you have and the more fragmented the party landscape is, the more parties end up catering for specific niches, and tend to have a more specific class-based appeal as well.) This is how that worked out in the 2006 elections, and in Maurice de Hond's current polling:
And this is how the electoral shifts in the chart above play out by income group:
The most interesting thing to look at, I think, is the balance between the left as a whole and the right as a whole. Again, just for context: In the olden days, up through the 60s, Dutch voters were reliable, life-long voters of the socialist, liberal, protestant or catholic "pillar" they belonged to, and heeded the words of their priest, trade union or newspaper. Those fierce community ties have long disintegrated. In an increasingly media- and charisma-driven political landscape, support for individual parties has started, since the 90s, to oscillate increasingly wildly. A good or bad debate performance can now make or break a party, and a lot of a party's election result is now about making sure not to 'peak' too early or late.
But most all of the volatility takes place within boarder camps: Labour wins or loses to the Green Left, the Democrats and the Socialists, or vice versa. The right-wing liberals and Christian-Democrats win or lose most of their votes from each other or from the far right. So what is interesting is to see whether these camps overall are at all up or down.
These charts show how the more narrowly defined left of red and green parties (Labour, Socialists and Greens) suffers losses across the board - but those losses are not evenly spread by income group.
Proportionally speaking, the red/green parties hold up best among low-income voters, among whom their support drops from 55% to 47%. That means they're losing, collectively, about one of seven low-income people who voted for them in 2006 to more centrist or rightwing parties.
Among high-income voters, on the other hand, they're losing about one in five, going from 32% to 26%; and it's among middle class voters that they're suffering the heaviest losses, both in absolute and relative terms, as their support drops from 43% to 32%. One in four middle-class voters who opted for one of the three leftwing parties last time now opts for a center-left or right-wing party.
Taking the center-left parties (D66 and Party for the Animals) into account, the differences by income group in how the left is faring is even more sharply profiled. The Democrats are strong among high-income voters, and appear to absorb most of the Labour/Socialist losses there. The Party for the Animals does best among low-income voters, among whom the 'harder' left wasn't faring too badly in any case. It's among middle-class voters that the Democrats and Animal rights party do not buffer the Labour/Socialist losses.
It's a striking discrepancy. Among high-income and low-income voters, the 'broader' left of Socialists, Greens, Labour, Democrats and Animal Rights voters actually remains fairly stable, going from 36% to 35% and from 58% to 55%, respectively. But among middle-income voters, there is a clear shift from the broader left as a whole to right-wing parties, as support for the left there falls from 46% to 38%.