I don't object to the use of private soldiers in warfare, just the over-use as well as the lack of leadership being provided by this administration.
Here are many more reasons why private soldiers are loose cannons in Iraq and other war zones and why the private companies who are legitimate are having a hard time doing their jobs effectively.
In another article I read, the private comanies were complaining that their men were put into situations where they had no choice but to help out the military, yet they weren't given the proper equipment. One man reported that he called for a helicopter that didn't show up.
I included a few excerpts from the article, along with highligting.
http://www.guardian.co.uk/international/story/0,3604,1103566,00.html
And in Baghdad or Bogota, Kabul or Tuzla, there
are armed company employees effectively licensed
to kill. On the job, say guarding a peacekeepers'
compound in Tuzla, the civilian employees are
subject to the same rules of engagement as foreign
troops.
But if an American GI draws and uses his weapon in
an off-duty bar brawl, he will be subject to the
US judicial military code. If an American guard
employed by the US company ITT in Tuzla does the
same, he answers to Bosnian law. By definition
these companies are frequently operating in
"failed states" where national law is notional.
The risk is the employees can literally get away
with murder. Or lesser, but appalling crimes. Dyncorp, for
example, a Pentagon favourite, has the contract
worth tens of millions of dollars to train an
Iraqi police force.
It also won the contracts to
train the Bosnian police and was implicated in a
grim sex slavery scandal, with its employees
accused of rape and the buying and selling of
girls as young as 12. A number of employees were
fired, but never prosecuted. The only court cases
to result involved the two whistleblowers who
exposed the episode and were sacked.
"Dyncorp should never have been awarded the Iraqi
police contract," said Madeleine Rees, the chief
UN human rights officer in Sarajevo. Of the two court cases, one US police officer
working for Dyncorp in Bosnia, Kathryn Bolkovac,
won her suit for wrongful dismissal. The other
involving a mechanic, Ben Johnston, was settled
out of court. Mr Johnston's suit against Dyncorp
charged that he "witnessed co-workers and
supervisors literally buying and selling women for
their own personal enjoyment, and employees would
brag about the various ages and talents of the
individual slaves they had purchased".
There are other formidable problems surfacing in
what is uncharted territory - issues of loyalty,
accountability, ideology, and national interest.
By definition, a private military company is in
Iraq or Bosnia not to pursue US, UN, or EU policy,
but to make money.
The growing clout of the military services
corporations raises questions about an insidious,
longer-term impact on governments' planning,
strategy and decision-taking.
Mr Singer argues that for the first time in the
history of the modern nation state, governments
are surrendering one of the essential and defining
attributes of statehood, the state's monopoly on
the legitimate use of force.
But for those on the receiving end, there seems
scant alternative.
"I had some problems with some of the American
generals," said Enes Becirbasic, a Bosnian
military official who managed the Bosnian side of
the MPRI projects to build and arm a Bosnian army.
"It's a conflict of interest. I represent our
national interest, but they're businessmen. I
would have preferred direct cooperation with state
organisations like Nato or the Organisation for
Security and Cooperation in Europe. But we had no
choice. We had to use MPRI."
To me, the last paragraph underscores one of the most important reasons not to rely too heavily on private military.