http://www.austinchronicle.com/issues/dispatch/2003-02-21/cols_ventura.html
Toward an Accounting
BY MICHAEL VENTURA
February 21, 2003:
If Secretary of State Colin Powell had not testified to the
UN on Feb. 5, headlines on Feb. 6 would have read:
HIRING IN NATION HITS WORST SLUMP IN 20
YEARS -- U.S. ECONOMY HAS LOST MORE THAN
2 MILLION JOBS. If the economy was getting the kind
of media attention that war now hogs, what do you think
Bush's approval rating would be?
Which is a prime reason why Bush won't back down from
his war on Iraq.
That economic news was noted in the media on Feb. 6,
but almost as an afterthought. The big story was Powell's
testimony. He produced fuzzy photos, cleverly captioned,
of what might be a missile, a bunker, but who could tell?
When civilian surveillance satellites can read a newspaper
over your shoulder, why were the photos of our space
spies so ill-defined? Powell claimed that one photo was of
a lab for chemical and biological weapons -- a "poison
factory" he called it, run by "al Qaeda affiliates" in
northern Iraq. Three days later reporters found their way
to that camp and saw "structures that did not have
plumbing and had only the limited electricity supplied by a
generator" (The New York Times, Feb. 9). Can an
effective laboratory (much less a factory) be managed
without running water? Ask your local druggist or high
school chemistry teacher.
The day after his testimony, a congressional committee
asked Powell why a supposedly known al Qaeda camp
was still operating in northern Iraq, where American jets
have pummeled other sites? "Neither Powell nor other
administration officials answered the question," (NY Times,
Feb. 7). But Fox News is not about to repeat that fact
over and over and over.
On Feb. 7 it was revealed that the British report Powell
had quoted to the UN (praising it as "a fine paper," an
"up-to-date and unsettling assessment") was actually a
pastiche culled from academic journals, two of which
were published in 1997, "about the activities of Iraqi
intelligence in Kuwait in 1990 and 1991" (NY Times, Feb.
8). The author who'd been plagiarized, Al-Marishi, noted,
"Had they consulted me, I could have provided them with
more up-dated information."
So Mr. Al-Marishi, a postgraduate student residing in
Monterey, Calif., has access to more current information
than our secretary of state? Then, on Feb. 14, UN chief
inspector Hans Blix demonstrated more flaws in Powell's
"proofs," and did so to Powell's face; Powell merely
nodded silently. In other words, Powell's testimony was a
sham -- with not one hard fact proven. But notice that this
lie was not reported as such, nor was it the headline story;
instead, bits and pieces were reported that did not receive
the emphasis they deserved, and that were not united to
present the story they truly told: Powell shilled, hustled,
lied, and was let off.
But Powell's lies didn't get a free pass everywhere.
Russian President Putin said on Feb. 10 that Powell's
assertions did not "justify a war": Powell's claims "must be
verified by inspectors on the ground." A diplomatic way of
saying that Powell hadn't verified anything. President
Chirac of France: "There is not to my knowledge
indisputable proof that weapons of mass destruction exist
in Iraq." France, Germany, and Russia have thus far
blocked a war vote in the Security Council; and France,
Germany, and Belgium stalled Rumsfeld's attempts to
bully NATO. The administration's line, as stated by
Rumsfeld, is that NATO and the UN risk irrelevance if
they don't go along with Bush. On the contrary, they risk
irrelevance if they do. If NATO and the UN are reduced
to rubber-stamping unproven White House assertions, then
they might as well not exist. They cannot stop Bush, but
they can unmask his dishonesty and strip him of legitimacy
in the eyes of the world. That's no small service. No
superpower, not even ours, is "super" enough to defy most
of the civilized world without terrible consequences.
On Feb. 6, another news story ran without comment:
NORTH KOREA RESTARTS PLANT WITH
ABILITY TO FUEL [NUCLEAR] ARMS. But this,
according to Powell, is not a crisis. In a few days it would
come out that North Korea has rockets that could hit our
West Coast. Still not a crisis. Meanwhile, India and
Pakistan were expelling each other's diplomats (often a
gesture foreshadowing war), and India was testing new
missiles. That's not a crisis either. Nor is the ongoing war
between Israel and Palestine, in which people die every
day. Oops -- that's not even a war. It's certainly not a
crisis -- not after last spring, when for two weeks Bush
blatantly ordered Israel to pull troops and tanks out of the
West Bank; Bush's demands were just as blatantly
ignored, in the most humiliating (for America) exchange in
the history of U.S.-Israeli relations. Bush can't define that
as a crisis because he's proven himself helpless as far as
that region is concerned, a president with no policy and no
nerve.
Then Osama bin Laden checked in again. Isn't he the guy
that Bush (and all the rest of us) wanted "dead or alive"?
It's a year and a half since 9/11, and not only does Bush
not know where the most wanted man in the world is, he
authenticated and practically welcomed Osama's new
tape. The very fact that Osama is alive is a defeat for
America and the world, but this didn't faze Bush. As
Maureen Dowd wrote in The New York Times (Feb. 12):
"In the past, Condi Rice has implored the networks not to
broadcast [Osama's] tapes outright, fearing he might be
activating sleeper cells in code. But this time the
administration flacked the tape. And Fox, the official Bush
news agency, rushed the entire tape onto the air. So the
Bushies no longer care if Osama sends a coded message
to his thugs as long as he stays on message for the White
House."
"On message" means that Osama supports Saddam.
Except that he doesn't, and never has. He despises
Saddam, and that was clear in the tape. The clever
bastard was using both Saddam and Bush to inflame
Muslims against you and me. And we will no doubt pay
the price for that. But it was Bush who gave Osama the
opportunity. Whatever deaths will result, will be -- in
history's eyes -- on both their heads.
What a coincidence, all these terror alerts to stir us up just
before Bush goes to war. Attorney General John Ashcroft
assures us that these alerts are "very clearly unrelated" to
Iraq. And if you believe that, I've got an extra roll of duct
tape I can sell you cheap. General Ralph E. Eberhart,
described by The New York Times as "the nation's top
general for domestic security," privy to "the same
intelligence that President Bush receives," said Dec. 13
that "there was scant intelligence to suggest an immediate
domestic threat from al Qaeda or other terrorist groups."
The general: "I am not aware of a significant threat to this
nation from so-called sleeper cells."
But before you buy any duct tape maybe you should read
the Department of Homeland Security's "Guide To
Preparedness": "In many biological [and chemical] attacks,
people will not know they have been exposed to an agent.
In such situations, the first evidence of an attack may be
when you notice symptoms of the disease caused by an
agent exposure, and you should seek immediate medical
attention for treatment."
Take two aspirin and call Bush in the morning.
Or maybe you should call him now? (And how are the 44
million Americans without insurance going to manage
"immediate medical attention"?)
On Feb. 11 Powell told a congressional committee that
war on Iraq will be conducted thusly: "It will be done in a
way that will be seen as surgical." Will be seen as. The
lies must be getting to him. Or he just slipped and told the
truth: "will be seen as." Many harmless people will die, but
what will be seen will be clean, "surgical" -- as in the first
Gulf War, when European news agencies confirmed that
tens of thousands Iraqi civilians died, though this went
virtually unreported in the United States.
As the world demonstrations on Feb. 15 and 16 proved, I
am only one of many serving notice that we see what's
happening, and we refuse to affix our names to the next
bloody page of history. We write, we speak, we read, we
listen, we learn, we make ourselves heard, we take our
stand -- for we must make clear that this government is
not acting in our name or with our consent. We do this for
the sake of our personal honor and dignity; we do this in
solidarity with peaceful people everywhere and in the frail
hope that we may change this nation's terrible course; and
we do this to leave a record, to bear witness, toward the
time that will inevitably come, when an accounting will be
demanded and must be given, an accounting to the world
and to history, for the gruesome sin our leaders are about
to commit.