1
   

Occupation: The Inconvenient Truth About Iraq

 
 
Reply Wed 5 Jul, 2006 12:51 pm
Occupation: The Inconvenient Truth About Iraq

July 5, 2006

A BUZZFLASH GUEST CONTRIBUTION
by George Lakoff

It is time to tell an inconvenient truth about Iraq: it is an occupation, not a war. In wars, armies fight to dominate land. The US won the war three years ago when Bush said, “Mission Accomplished”. Then the occupation started, and our troops were not trained or equipped for an occupation under predictably hostile circumstances. Finally getting the courage to tell the truth that the US is an occupying force drastically changes the picture in Iraq. You cannot “win” an occupation. “Cut and run” does not apply to an occupation. Occupiers have to leave; the only question is when and how. Progressive Democrats agree that it should be soon; they only disagree on details. Political courage is called for. Truth now!

We’ve begun with global warming. Now the U.S. and its military allies need to face another inconvenient truth, this one about Iraq: This is an occupation, not a war.

The war was over when Bush said "Mission Accomplished." A war has one army fighting another army over territory. U.S. fighting men and women defeated Saddam’s military machine three years ago. Then the occupation began. Our troops were trained to fight a war, not to occupy a country where they don't know the language and culture; where they lack enough troops, where they face an anti-occupation insurgency by the Iraqis themselves; where most of the population wants them out; where they are being shot at and killed by the very Iraqis they are training; and where the U.S. has given up on reconstruction and can't do much positive good there.

The Occupation Frame fits a politically inconvenient truth. Most people don’t want to think of our army as an occupation force, but it is. An occupying army can’t win anything. The occupation only helps Al Qaeda, which Iraqis don’t want in their country since Al Qaeda attracts foreigners who have been killing Iraqis.

Our nation has been held trapped in a fallacious War Frame that serves the interests of the Bush administration and the Republican Party. The term “cut and run,” used to vilify Democrats, is defined relative to the following frame:

There is a war against evil that must be fought. Fighting requires courage and bravery. Those fully committed to the cause are brave. Those who "cut and run" are motivated by self-interest; they are only interested in saving their own skins, not in the moral cause. They are cowards. And since those fighting for the cause need all the support they can get, anyone who decides to “cut and run” endangers both the moral cause and the lives of those brave people who are fighting for it. Those who have courage and conviction should stand and fight.

Once the false frame is set, it is hard to use any pure self-interest frame that ignores the just cause of fighting evil. That is the trap the Democrats have fallen into. Their proposed slogans evoke self-interest frames: John Murtha’s “stay and pay and ”John Kerry’s “lie and die” have an X-and-Y structure that evokes, and thus reinforces, “cut and run.”

These, as well as Senator Jack Reed’s “The Republican Plan to Be in Iraq Forever,” are self-interest frames that accepts the “cut and run” frame and says it is in our interest to leave. We “pay,” we “die,” we are stuck there forever. As long as Democrats accept the war-against-evil frame, any self-interest framing will be treated as immoral -- acting as a coward, letting evil win out, and endangering our troops.

The Cut-and-Run Frame put forth as a reason why we cannot withdraw from Iraq fits a gallant war. It does not fit a failed occupation. When you have become the villain and target to the people you are trying to help, it’s time to do the right thing — admit the truth that this is an occupation and think and act accordingly. All occupations end with withdrawal. The issue is not bravery versus cowardice in a good cause. The Cut-and-Run Frame does not apply.

In an occupation, there are pragmatic issues: Are we welcome? Are we doing the Iraqis more harm than good? How badly are we being hurt? The question is not whether to withdraw, but when and how? What to say? You might prefer “End the occupation now” or “End the occupation by the end of the year” or “End the occupation within a year, “ but certainly Congress and most Americans should be able to agree on “End the occupation soon.”

In an occupation, not a war, should the president still have war powers? How, if at all, is the Supreme Court decision on military tribunals at Guantanamo affected if we are in an occupation, not a war? What high-handed actions by the President, if any, are ruled out if we are no longer at war?

Telling an inconvenient truth takes some political courage.

A BUZZFLASH GUEST CONTRIBUTION

George Lakoff is a Senior Fellow at the Rockridge Institute, the author
of Whose Freedom? and Don’t Think of an Elephant!, and Professor of Linguistics.

http://www.buzzflash.com/contributors/06/07/con06288.html
  • Topic Stats
  • Top Replies
  • Link to this Topic
Type: Discussion • Score: 1 • Views: 372 • Replies: 2
No top replies

 
woiyo
 
  1  
Reply Wed 5 Jul, 2006 01:01 pm
The Law of Belligerent Occupation
Michal N. Schmitt


As combat operations in Iraq wind down, attention is quickly shifting to the plight of the Iraqi population. Looting and violence have broken out in a number of cities, and critics are condemning U.S. and British forces for moving too slowly to restore order. Indeed, Human Rights Watch has charged that "[s]ome U.S. government officials seem unaware of their obligations under international law to act promptly to prevent looting and other disturbances." Quite aside from the issue of lawlessness, humanitarian organizations such as the International Committee of the Red Cross are urging action in the face of an overwhelmed medical system, inadequate water and electricity supplies, and the risk of disease.

What are the rights and obligations of "Occupying Powers," the legal term for countries that occupy an adversary's territory? As growing portions of Iraq fall to U.S. and British forces, it is a propitious time to review the basic requirements of that body of law.

The Annexed Regulations to Hague Convention IV of 1907, the 1949 Fourth Geneva Convention, and customary international law set forth the laws of belligerent occupation applicable in this conflict. Both the Nuremberg Tribunal and a 1993 Report of the U.N. Secretary-General characterized the Hague Regulations as reflecting customary international law binding on all States. Since Iraq, the U.S., and the U.K. are parties to the Geneva Conventions, that instrument also applies. Finally, there was extensive State practice of occupation in the 20th Century, particularly after the Second World War, much of which has matured into customary law bearing on the occupation of Iraq. It should be noted that while the 1977 Protocol Additional I to the Geneva Conventions contains the most recent codification of occupation law, that treaty does not apply in this case because neither the U.S. nor Iraq are Parties to the agreement.

When Does Occupation Start?

These laws come into effect as soon as territory is "occupied" by adversary forces, that is, when the government of the occupied territory is no longer capable of exercising its authority, and the attacker is in a position to impose its control over that area. The entire country need not be conquered before an occupation comes into effect as a matter of law, and a state of occupation need not be formally proclaimed, as General Eisenhower did in the Second World War. Obligations and rights of the Occupying Power obviously extend only to those areas that the attacking forces actually control. Ultimately, whether territory is occupied is a question of fact. That some resistance continues does not preclude the existence of occupation provided the occupying force is capable of governing the territory with some degree of stability. Moreover, it is not legally relevant that the occupiers claim to be "liberating" the population; so long as an international armed conflict is underway, the justification for the conflict has no bearing on whether the laws of occupation apply.

It is important to understand that occupation does not imply an assumption of sovereignty over the territory; the Occupying Power is simply administering the area it has captured. That said, various attributes of sovereignty are suspended or limited during an occupation. Most notably, the Occupying Power temporarily assumes many of the executive functions of the former government, as well as some of its legislative and judicial responsibilities. In administering the occupied territory, any discrimination on the basis of race, political opinion, nationality, language, religion, and social origin is now forbidden as a matter of both treaty and customary international law.

A "military government" administers the occupied territory, although it may permit segments of the local government to continue operating (subject to the oversight of the occupation authorities). Indeed, a strong preference for allowing local authorities to perform governmental functions is evident throughout the body of occupation law.

Despite being labeled "military," the occupation government may be military, civilian, or mixed in composition. As a matter of law, this government need comply with all requirements set forth in occupation law for only one year following the termination of hostilities, although certain of the more important provisions, such as the prohibition on deportation of the population, remain in effect until the occupation ends. As a matter of policy, though, it is advisable to continue applying all aspects of the law throughout the occupation. U.S. Army training manuals wisely adopt this approach.

Maintaining Law and Order

One of the most pressing tasks faced by any military government is the maintenance of law and order. With government buildings, stores, hospitals, and cultural facilities being looted, revenge killings taking place, and general lawlessness preventing the delivery of humanitarian aid, this has become an omnipresent concern for the coalition forces in Iraq. Their responsibility in this regard is unambiguously set forth in the U.S. Army's Field Manual 27-10: "The authority of the legitimate power having in fact passed into the hands of the occupant, the latter shall take all the measures in his power to restore, and ensure, as far as possible, public order and safety…." Thus, although there have been assertions that the coalition forces are not police, in fact occupation law imposes policing responsibilities on them during an occupation.

Although occupation forces must maintain law and order, pre-existing civil and criminal laws of the occupied territory remain in effect to the extent they are apolitical, consistent with the maintenance of public order, and otherwise appropriate (e.g., discriminatory or inhumane laws are void); understandably, members of the occupying forces are immune from the jurisdiction of local law enforcement and judicial authorities. The Occupying Power may issue regulations, including penal regulations, necessary to meet its obligations under occupation law. In particular, measures necessary for the security of the occupying force and for the maintenance of law and order are typically promulgated. Common examples include censorship of the media, limitations on public gatherings, and control over travel and means of transportation (whether private or public). Penal provisions cannot be retroactive and do not come into effect until published in the inhabitants' language. Overall, occupation law seeks a balance between the maintenance of order and the preservation of the pre-existing legal order.

Crime and Punishment

War crimes, crimes against humanity, genocide, and aggression committed prior to or during the course of the conflict are prosecuted in accordance with the principles of international criminal law. Although case-specific, judicial bodies with jurisdiction may include domestic courts in the occupied territories, courts of any State for crimes of universal jurisdiction, ad hoc tribunals specifically established by the international community for the prosecution of such offenses, or the occupying force's courts. In the future, the International Criminal Court may prove useful in prosecuting such offenses (it has jurisdiction over those committed 1 July 2002 or later), but because Iraq is not a Party to the Rome Statute, the ICC lacks jurisdiction in this case (absent a special acceptance of jurisdiction by Iraq).

Occupying authorities must allow domestic courts to continue to function as the judicial system of the occupied territory whenever feasible. If they cannot (e.g., judicial officials refuse to cooperate, the system has otherwise collapsed, or it is corrupt or unfairly constituted), the Occupying Power may establish tribunals (commissions) to enforce the law of the occupied territory, but may not prosecute offenses (other than violations of international humanitarian law) committed before occupation. It may also establish tribunals to try cases involving the breach of penal regulations it has issued. Pursuant to both humanitarian and human rights law, they may impose punishment only after a regular trial in which the accused has been informed in writing of the charges. Trial must occur within a reasonable period and the accused is entitled to the assistance of counsel and the opportunity to present evidence in his or her defense.

Under occupation law there is no absolute right of appeal, since Geneva Convention IV simply provides that "the convicted persons shall have the right of appeal provided for by the laws applied by the court." When no appeal is provided for, the convicted individual may petition the "competent authority of the Occupying Power" for relief from the finding or sentence. However, human rights law does generally provide for a right of review by a higher tribunal. Those convicted by occupation tribunals (like those detained prior to trial) may not be incarcerated outside the occupied territories, and may be visited by the ICRC. They are transferred to the local authorities at the end of the occupation, together with all relevant documentation on their case.

There are various limitations regarding the death sentence in the Fourth Geneva Convention. In particular, under no circumstances may a person who was under 18 at the time of the offense be executed. Moreover, collective punishment of the population for the offenses of individuals is forbidden.

http://www.crimesofwar.org/print/onnews/iraq5-print.html
0 Replies
 
Setanta
 
  1  
Reply Wed 5 Jul, 2006 01:14 pm
Dueling extremist screeds . . . you two deserve each other. Woiyo, at least, gets points for copying and pasting a reasonably readable text. F4F apparently can't be bothered to preview his screed, and replace the code with quotation marks.
0 Replies
 
 

Related Topics

Obama '08? - Discussion by sozobe
Let's get rid of the Electoral College - Discussion by Robert Gentel
McCain's VP: - Discussion by Cycloptichorn
Food Stamp Turkeys - Discussion by H2O MAN
The 2008 Democrat Convention - Discussion by Lash
McCain is blowing his election chances. - Discussion by McGentrix
Snowdon is a dummy - Discussion by cicerone imposter
TEA PARTY TO AMERICA: NOW WHAT?! - Discussion by farmerman
 
  1. Forums
  2. » Occupation: The Inconvenient Truth About Iraq
Copyright © 2024 MadLab, LLC :: Terms of Service :: Privacy Policy :: Page generated in 0.03 seconds on 09/28/2024 at 05:27:33