georgeob1 wrote:Nimh,
You are countering my general proposition that Hillary has "benefitted from staying in the campaign" and "gained considerable Ground", by offering a weak counterargument against a different and much narrower proposition; namely that she has narrowed Obama's lead among pledged or total delegates. Worse you dressed up your point to make it appear that you were "revealing facts" that somehow corrected a deception.
This is a silly and unworthy gambit, and you should retract it.
You stated that since deciding to stay in the race, Hillary has "gained considerable ground". When I point out that she actually lost considerable ground, trailing Obama by ever greater margins, I'm making a "silly and unworthy" point that I "should retract"?
Okay...
Skipping past the pomposity, I'd say that if you are going to say that by staying in the race, Hillary has gained considerable ground, the most obvious metric to measure this by is
how she has performed in that race. And by that metric, not just has she not gained ground, she's lost considerable ground.
You prefer to skip this measurable metric and move on to a more nebulous gain in "overall political stature and prospects". This is a common disagreement we have. I prefer to go by concrete, measurable yardsticks, which you often consider trivial and transitory, while you go for overarching impressions of the larger picture, which I often consider nebulous blanket assertions.
But even taking your perspective on this one, I still disagree. You think that Hillary's overall stature and prospects are now better than in February? Remember: just half a year ago, Hillary was considered the anointed frontrunner, the inevitable nominee, with Obama running a mediagenic but by then stagnant challenge. Even after Iowa, the Clinton campaign itself still expected to wrap up the whole thing on Super Tuesday. She was Ms. Democratic Party, and held enough sway over the party to corral an overwhelming lead in superdelegates in the run-up to that day's contests. As impopular as she was among independents and Republicans, she was widely popular throughout the Democratic Party save some of the liberal activists and the netroots. Though South Carolina had sowed first doubts, African-Americans still loved her.
Now here we are, half a year later. Hillary's won a cult status among conservative, rural Democrats who distrust the Obamaites, and among older white women. But she has become increasingly toxic to entire Democratic constituencies. Foremost among them African-Americans, swathes of young and high-educated voters, and the new generation of net-driven activists and donors that are changing the rules of how Democrats run election campaigns.
Since Super Tuesday, she has effectively devolved from being the establishment candidate to being the candidate of "demographic" resistance, the candidate of poor whites who feel excluded from the party's hall of power. One may or may not sympathise more with that underdog position than with her erstwhile establishment identity, but one thing it does not signal is a gain in political stature.
Among top party officials, evenly divided sympathies have turned into annoyance and frustration. Since top Clinton donors twice threatened Pelosi to withhold funding from the DSSC, she is quite livid. Howard Dean is annoyed, Ted Kennedy estranged, and a legion of Obama-supporting Governors and Senators increasingly upset with her attacks on him in the context of a doomed campaign.
Back in January, there was a mass of superdelegates who were cowed enough by the Clintons' hold over the party and its donors to at the very least refrain from expressing a preference. That was illustrative of a continuing sway over the party apparatus, which has now all but dissolved. The surprising incompetence with which she squandered an almost certain win has demystified the Clintons' mythical prowess, the stature they naturally held since Bill became the only Democrat in 25 years to win a presidential election.
When it comes to funding and organisation, the rules have changed. The exclusive power of top donors and institutional supporters like the unions have been matched by an Internet-operated grassroots machine; and it is dominated by people who are now scathing of the Clintons. And of course much of that anger will dissipate as time passes, especially if Hillary vigorously campaigns for Obama, but a landmark shift has taken place.
This is the bottom line. Up till last year, not just did the Clintons still loomed large over the party and its machine, Hillary was widely expected to be the next President, or at worst nominee and opposition leader. Now, she will at best be relegated to a nice position in Obama's administration, or an Al Gore-like position of symbolic, figurehead authority. That's not "gaining considerable ground".
If she had dropped out after March 4 and vigorously joined Obama in the campaign, she would still have been the obvious and almost universally liked number two of the party. Now, if Obama wins, she will be one prominent administration figure among others gradually gaining equal prominence. At the very best for her, Obama will lose this fall and she can try to become the de facto opposition leader. But she will face stiff competition from rivals like Pelosi, Dean, Senatorial rank-pullers like Reid and Schumer and a number of rising stars, who will no longer fear the Clintons' hold and are likely to blame her at least partly for their nominee's loss. Moreover, any attempt to achieve an Al Gore-like power broker status by using her greater fame and popular appeal is burdened by the fact that significant swathes of the party's rank and file have come to really, really dislike her.
Even if Obama loses and she successfully navigates through the shark-infested waters afterwards to become the de facto leader of the Democratic opposition, that only puts her in the position of returning in 2012 in the very same role she had now to start with. Some progress. But even her success then will be doubtful, as the emotional loyalty to "the good years" under Bill Clinton, which drove much of her popular appeal among downmarket voters this time, will have faded further, and a return to the 90s will seem more anachronistic still.