@Finn dAbuzz,
Finn wrote:
Quote:The prisoners in question were from Pakistan and Thailand and captured outside of Afghanistan.
First, here are some facts from the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia's opinion:
Of the three combatants involved in the appeal, one was a Yemini citizen who was captured in Afghanistan in 2003 and was immediately detained at Bagram Air Base; one was a Tunisian citizen who was captured in Pakistan in 2002, was held elsewhere (the court doesn't say where) and was eventually transferred to Bagram; and the last was also a Yemini citizen who was captured in Thailand in 2002, was also held elsewhere, and was also eventually transferred to Bagram.
Al Maqaleh v. Gates, WL 2010783, 1 -2 (D.C. Cir. 2010).
Finn wrote:
Quote:What is of signifigance here is that the Obama administration, which has made so much of criticizing Guantanamo, has essentially done the same thing as its predecessor: Looked for a place to stash terrorists where it can be argued that they are not entitled to the protection of the Constitution.
Some more facts, this time from the United States District Court for the District of Columbia's opinion:
The three enemy combatants who petitioned for a writ of habeas corpus had been detained since 2002 and 2003. One of them filed a habeas petition in 2006, and the other two filed habeas petitions in 2008.
Al Maqaleh v. Gates, 604 F. Supp. 2d 205, 209 (D.D.C. 2009).
So it was the Bush administration that, as you said, "Looked for a place to stash terrorists where it can be argued that they are not entitled to the protection of the Constitution."
advocate wrote:
Quote:Maybe that is a commentary on the quality of Bush's lawyers. After all, Liberty U. is no Harvard.
To me it seems that the
Bush Administration lawyers were looking for a backup to Guantanamo just in case the Supreme Court held (as it eventually did) that Guantanamo was different enough from the Landsberg Prison in Germany, where the war criminals in
Johnson v. Eisentrager, 339 U.S. 763 (1950), had been imprisoned, to justify granting the Guantanmo detainees the right to habeas corpus.
Finn wrote:
Quote:The material difference between sending these prisoners to Bagram rather than Guantanamo is difficult to detect.
Here's the difference:
The court in
Al Maqaleh looked at Landsberg Prison, Guantanamo, and Bagram and noted the difference between them when it analyzed and applied the third prong of the test that the Supreme Court had developed in
Boumediene v. Bush, 553 U.S. 723, 128 S.Ct. 2229 (2008), for determining if the Constitution's Suspension Clause applied in territories outside the United States. That determination, the Court noted, does not depend only on where the prisoners are geographically located; rather, it depends on both objective factors and practical considerations.
Id. at 2259. As a result, the Court in
Boumediene said that it and other courts in future cases must look at the following three, non-exhaustive factors:
Quote:(1) the citizenship and status of the detainee and the adequacy of the process through which that status determination was made; (2) the nature of the sites where apprehension and then detention took place; and (3) the practical obstacles inherent in resolving the prisoner's entitlement to the writ.
Id.
And it was in examining the practical obstacles that the court in Al Maqaleh distinguished Guantanamo from Bagram and favorably compared the practical issues at Bagram to those at Landsberg Prison at the end of World War II. The officials at Landsberg, it said, faced potential threats from resistance groups, even though the actual "war" had ended several years before. Like the officials at Landsberg, the officials at Bagram also face hostilities. But the case for Al Maqaleh to be treated more like the prisoners at Landsberg (no writ of habeas corpus) than the prisoners at Guantanmo was becaus Bagram is in an
active theater of war.
Thus, the practical obstacles that concerned the Supreme Court when it decided Eisentrager, were just as relevant when looking at holding a trial on a petition for a writ of habeas corpus in Afghanistan:
Quote:Such trials would hamper the war effort and bring aid and comfort to the enemy. They would diminish the prestige of our commanders, not only with enemies but with wavering neutrals. It would be difficult to devise more effective fettering of a field commander than to allow the very enemies he is ordered to reduce to submission to call him to account in his own civil courts and divert his efforts and attention from the military offensive abroad to the legal defensive at home. Nor is it unlikely that the result of such enemy litigiousness would be a conflict between judicial and military opinion highly comforting to enemies of the United States. Eisentrager, 339 U.S. at 779.
Al Maqaleh, 2010 WL 2010783 at 12.
So there's the difference between Guantanmo and Bagram Air Base.
And that thought is just as troubling to me as it was to the D.C. Circuit in
Al Maqaleh.
As for your comment about finding the right legal loophole, and as for Andrea Prasow's and the ACLU's concerns, the court in Al Maqaleh stated:
Quote:We do not ignore the arguments of the detainees that the United States chose the place of detention and might be able “to evade judicial review of Executive detention decisions by transferring detainees into active conflict zones, thereby granting the Executive the power to switch the Constitution on or off at will.” Brief of Appellees at 34 (quotation marks and citation omitted). However, that is not what happened here. Indeed, without dismissing the legitimacy or sincerity of appellees' concerns, we doubt that this fact goes to either the second or third of the Supreme Court's enumerated factors. We need make no determination on the importance of this possibility, given that it remains only a possibility; its resolution can await a case in which the claim is a reality rather than a speculation. In so stating, we note that the Supreme Court did not dictate that the three enumerated factors are exhaustive.
Al Maqaleh, 2010 WL 2010783 at 13.
Am I just as concerned as Prakow and the ACLU, you bet I am. And if I were representing a detainee at Bagram, I'd be trying to get my hand on evidence to show that Administration attorneys -- no matter which administration -- and the Military put their heads together to find a place beyond the reach of the Constitution's Suspension clause and intentionally placed detainees there.
Even though it has its flaws, our justice system is the model that's held up to the world as the example to follow. If we supposedly provide the most protections to those detained in our jails and prisons, shouldn't we show the world that we're willing to give those same protections to foreigners we detain, even if it's on foreign soil?