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Fool Me Twice

 
 
Reply Sun 16 Jan, 2005 06:18 am
By Michael Kinsley
Sunday, January 16, 2005



Will President Bush actually have the guts to nominate Clarence Thomas for chief justice when that opportunity arises, which will probably be soon? You know he's just aching to do it. Because of their shared judicial philosophy, of course. But also because of that arrogant willfulness Bush has that a more generous person than myself might even call integrity. Heck, why be president if you can't rub your critics' noses in it?

And will the Democrats have the guts to oppose Justice Thomas's elevation to chief, resisting all the cries of, "Oh, for mercy's sake, you people -- not that again"? Those cries are starting preemptively, in an effort to cow the opposition party out of opposing a Thomas nomination. I wish I could be as confident of the Democrats' guts as I am of the president's.

Ordinarily it's considered to be an advantage when a presidential nominee has already gone through a Senate confirmation hearing. One reason Bush chose Michael Chertoff for secretary of homeland security after his first nominee imploded is that Chertoff already had been confirmed as a federal judge. He's filled out the forms, been investigated, testified: Like a pre-approved mortgage, he can slip right through.

But Clarence Thomas is different, because his famous 1991 confirmation hearing was different. His strategy was to do or say anything that would allow him to crawl past the finish line. When the prize is a virtually invulnerable lifetime appointment, that's a good strategy. But it can and should haunt you when you put in for a promotion.

Thomas's performance at that hearing, the things we know now that we didn't know then, even the things we knew then but were bullied or rushed into ignoring, are not just fair game. They are disqualifying. If he wasn't unworthy of the Supreme Court when his confirmation hearings began, he certainly was by the time they were over. The fact that he was confirmed as an associate justice anyway is no reason to give him a free pass to chief justice. Fool me once, shame on you. Fool me twice, shame on me.

And, yes, some of Thomas's opponents may have been as demagogic and dishonest as he was. When Anita Hill is nominated for chief justice, we can consider her qualifications.

To take the most obvious example of an issue that was opened, rather than closed, by Thomas's 1991 testimony: Thomas avoided revealing his opinion about Roe v. Wade, the abortion decision, by insisting that he didn't have one. It is beyond legitimate dispute that he tried to leave the impression that he'd never even thought or talked about Roe. This was implausible on its face -- Roe is the most controversial Supreme Court ruling of the past century, and it came down while Thomas was in law school -- but no one could prove Thomas a liar during the few days of hearings. Several people have popped up since then with memories of having discussed Roe with Thomas. His views were as you would suspect, and he asserted them with a vengeance from the moment he joined the court.

Thomas's supporters say he didn't commit perjury because he testified only that he had never "debated" Roe, not that he had never "discussed" it. And he said that he had no view on Roe "this day," which doesn't make him a liar if he expressed a view some other day.

This is pathetic. But it's also irrelevant. The standard for becoming chief justice ought to be a bit higher than the standard for staying out of jail. Thomas indisputably did his best to deceive senators trying to perform their constitutional duty of advice and consent. If that isn't something the Senate should consider when passing judgment on his fitness for an even higher job, then "advice and consent" has no meaning. And we have endured too many sermons from Clarence Thomas, strict constructionist, to believe that the words of the Constitution have no meaning.

Another witness has come forward since the hearings on the question of Thomas's appetite for pornographic videos. Maybe he should never have been asked about this stuff. But that doesn't give him the right to lie about it. Meanwhile, various remarks and rulings by Justice Thomas since 1991 have cast doubt on his professions of agnosticism on almost every important legal issue during his confirmation.

Because he chose an outright fib on abortion, Thomas relied somewhat less than most recent Supreme Court nominees on the silly pretense that discussing actual judicial issues at their confirmation hearings would amount to "prejudging" future cases. It's silly because sitting judges do nothing else but issue opinions on judicial issues, and no one thinks that this year's opinions are illegitimately "prejudging" next year's opinions. The nomination of a sitting justice for elevation to chief, if it happens, ought to snuff this pretense once and for all. After 14 years of strongly held and strongly worded opinions, it would be preposterous for Thomas to decline to discuss his judicial ideology, or to insist that he does not have one, on the nonexistent principle that a judge should never tip his hand.

It would be preposterous, but that is no guarantee that it won't happen. Saying the preposterous under oath has served Clarence Thomas well so far. If he is given the opportunity to be preposterous again, and the Senate Democrats let him get away with it -- again -- they will get the chief justice they deserve, and they'll deserve the justice that they get.

http://www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/wp-dyn/A10931-2005Jan14?
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panzade
 
  1  
Reply Sun 16 Jan, 2005 08:33 am
I agree with Ms Cummings that Scalia is perfectly positioned for nomination.

Split Decision: Bush Faces Judicial Test

01/04/2005

JEANNE CUMMINGS
THE WALL STREET JOURNAL

WASHINGTON -- If Chief Justice William H. Rehnquist leaves the Supreme Court this year, President Bush will face a tough decision: to elevate a sitting justice or bring in an outsider as the chief.

Promoting an associate justice gives the president a chance to appoint an ideologically aligned chief justice in addition to bringing in an associate justice. But a chief-justice nomination requires a separate confirmation by the Senate, so going that route means the White House would face two confirmation battles just when Mr. Bush needs congressional help to overhaul Social Security and the tax code.

Alternatively, bringing in an outsider right away as chief justice might minimize partisan squabbling but is risky because it means putting someone untested into a powerful post.

"Every president is tempted and advised to take advantage of the two-appointment opportunity," says Douglas W. Kmiec, a professor of constitutional law at Pepperdine University in Malibu, Calif. Most resist, he says, to "avoid the political" battles that could ensue.

The chief justice has significant influence over which cases are heard and the reach of court rulings. For instance, it is the chief justice's job to cull through thousands of petitions and prepare a primary list of cases to be considered for acceptance by the full panel. If in the majority, the chief justice decides who writes the majority opinion -- a choice that can influence how narrowly or broadly a ruling is written. Historically, chief justices also have lobbied fellow members to deliver unanimous rulings in landmark decisions, such as the requirement that President Nixon release Watergate tapes and the order ending racial segregation in schools, Prof. Kmiec said.

Of the 16 men who have served as chief justice, only three were elevated from the court to the top spot. Two others were retired justices brought back to become chief justice. One, Justice John Rutledge, was a 1795 recess appointment by President Washington who failed to win Senate confirmation. The remaining 10 were plucked from outside the court. All Supreme Court justices have life tenure.

Chief Justice Rehnquist was among those elevated from within -- in 1986 by President Reagan -- after serving as an associate justice for more than a decade. Last year, the 80-year-old chief justice announced he was diagnosed with thyroid cancer. He subsequently started aggressive treatment and has continued to work from home. Still, many medical experts say the treatment regime suggests a serious condition, prompting speculation he will step down this year.

As a result, conservative and liberal advocates are setting up war rooms, researching potential candidates, and developing television-advertising budgets flexible enough to respond to either nomination scenario. Meanwhile, the White House has yet to tip the president's hand. "Justice Rehnquist is still serving, so there is no need to have those discussions," says White House spokesman Trent Duffy. Chief Justice Rehnquist is scheduled to swear in Mr. Bush at the president's inauguration this month.

A single nomination from outside the court would allow the White House to focus on defending its nominee in the event of a Democratic filibuster. It would make a tug of war between Mr. Bush and Senate Democrats more stark and more easily understood by the public. A single clash also could reduce the amount of bad blood generated and time consumed in the Senate, the chamber that is expected to take the lead on the president's Social Security proposal.

The downside to such an appointment, say legal advisers close to the White House, would be an expectation that Mr. Bush must nominate someone with considerable gravitas to be chief justice. "We think of the chief as being someone who is a seasoned, senior person, although there's no reason that has to be," says Roger Pilon, director of the Center for Constitutional Studies at the Cato Institute.

Mr. Bush has made it a priority to appoint young, conservative judges whose influence is likely to be felt for decades. To that end, President Reagan's 1986 Supreme Court nomination two-step provides a useful model for the White House.

Mr. Reagan's goal was to maximize the conservative imprint he would leave on the court. When Chief Justice Warren E. Burger left the court in 1986, the president promoted then-Justice Rehnquist to the top job and, thereby positioned a conservative atop the court for nearly two decades. Mr. Reagan then nominated conservative Antonin Scalia to fill the associate-justice chair vacated by Mr. Rehnquist's elevation.

The Rehnquist-Scalia appointments took place before the decorous judicial-nomination process in the Senate was blown apart in 1987 by Democrats' successful campaign to block the appointment of Judge Robert H. Bork to the high court.

In addition, the justices whom Mr. Bush has said he favors -- Mr. Scalia, 68, and Clarence Thomas, 56 -- are certain to draw political fire as their opposition to abortion rights could make even moderate Republicans uncomfortable.

Despite the political firestorm that a court promotion might spark, the upside in doing so remains considerable because it widens the field to include younger candidates whom Mr. Bush can consider for the associate-justice position.

The White House developed a list of potential Supreme Court nominees in 2001, and some legal experts close to the administration say several now are considered too old for nomination. For instance, J. Harvie Wilkinson III of the Richmond appeals court is seen as a likely candidate for the chief's post. But the 58-year-old Mr. Wilkinson could be passed over for an associate-justice position to make way for his 49-year-old colleague on the Richmond bench, Judge J. Michael Luttig.

The political landscape after the 2004 election may have reduced some risks for Mr. Bush in making a dual nomination.

Senate Minority Leader Tom Daschle of South Dakota lost re-election in a race that highlighted his role in blocking Mr. Bush's appellate-court nominees. Newly installed Minority Leader Harry Reid, in his first national-television appearance after the election, shocked liberals by saying Mr. Scalia was smart enough for the chief-justice job. White House officials viewed the comments as a promising sign that, under Mr. Reid's leadership, Democrats would take a softer stance. A spokesman for Mr. Reid said little should be read into the remarks and the Democrats will chart their course depending on the nominee or nominees.

"I don't think the American people will tolerate the smearing of two nominees at the same time," says Mark R. Levin, president of the conservative Landmark Legal Foundation.


Write to Jeanne Cummings at [email protected]
0 Replies
 
graffiti
 
  1  
Reply Sun 16 Jan, 2005 08:37 am
panzade wrote:
I agree with Ms Cummings that Scalia is perfectly positioned for nomination.


I do as well. No question.
0 Replies
 
JustWonders
 
  1  
Reply Sun 16 Jan, 2005 09:04 am
I watched this discussion between Scalia and Breyer on C-Span last week. I think it's being repeated today (check listings in your area). Fascinating.

Quote:
Scalia bemoaned a recent trend on the high court in citing international opinion to support decisions interpreting the U.S. Constitution, including those decriminalizing gay sex and banning the execution of the mentally retarded.

"What you're looking for are the standards of decency of American society," Scalia said. "What does an opinion of a wise Zimbabwe judge have to do with what Americans believe?

"Doesn't it seem arrogant to think I can decide moral views for penology, death penalty and abortion?" he said, arguing that elected legislatures should make those decisions.


http://seattlepi.nwsource.com/national/apwashington_story.asp?category=1154&slug=Scotus%20International%20Law
0 Replies
 
panzade
 
  1  
Reply Sun 16 Jan, 2005 09:10 am
Scalia:

"Doesn't it seem arrogant to think I can decide moral views for penology, death penalty and abortion?" he said, arguing that elected legislatures should make those decisions.

Breyer responded that international opinion can be relevant in determining fundamental freedoms in a more global society.

"U.S. law is not handed down from on high even at the U.S. Supreme Court," he said. "The law emerges from a conversation with judges, lawyers, professors and law students. ... It's what I call opening your eyes as to what's going on elsewhere."

The ostrich and the eagle...IMHO
0 Replies
 
graffiti
 
  1  
Reply Sun 16 Jan, 2005 09:16 am
So did I, JustWonders. In fact, I tried to get Panzade to watch as well! Very Happy

The repeat is on right now and will be repeated again at a bit past Noon Eastern.
0 Replies
 
panzade
 
  1  
Reply Sun 16 Jan, 2005 09:31 am
Sorry ladies. The only thing more important than the future of jurisprudence is the outcome of the NFL playoffs.
It's a guy thing. :wink:
0 Replies
 
 

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