0
   

Slain Dallas Cop Might’ve Been A White Supremacist: Still A Hero?

 
 
bobsal u1553115
 
  1  
Reply Sun 17 Jul, 2016 05:32 am
@edgarblythe,
We're discussing the Nazi tats and association of the cop, not the killer.
0 Replies
 
giujohn
 
  -2  
Reply Sun 17 Jul, 2016 06:54 am
@bobsal u1553115,
Be thankful for spell check or you wouldn't be able to spell what you are.
bobsal u1553115
 
  1  
Reply Sun 17 Jul, 2016 07:02 am
@giujohn,
Quote:
Re: bobsal u1553115 (Post 6226841)
Be thankful for spell check or you wouldn't be able to spell what you are.


Be thankful for your cellmate or you wouldn't be able to read what I write, spelled correctly or not. RIF, dipstick.
bobsal u1553115
 
  0  
Reply Sun 17 Jul, 2016 07:30 am

Sorry Conservatives, New Research from Harvard Shows a Profound Amount of Racism by Police…Not Less of It


Don't believe the right-wing spin about Harvard's damning study that illustrates how cops target blacks.
By Chauncey DeVega / Salon
July 16, 2016



Philando Castile was killed by a Minneapolis-area police officer while giving him his identification. Like so many other black men, Levar Jones was also shot by a white police officer while fully complying with his commands. Eric Garner was choked to death while screaming “I can’t breathe.” John Crawford III was killed in a Walmart by police because he was carrying a toy gun that he wanted to purchase. Jonathan Ferrel was killed by a white police officer while seeking help after a car accident. 12-year-old Tamir Rice was street executed by the Cleveland police in less than 3 seconds.

Stories and personal experiences of police thuggery and violence are so common in the black community that they constitute a type of collective memory and group trauma.

Thus, it is a type of common sense fact that America’s police are more likely to use lethal force against black people than they are whites. But what if this is not true?

New research by Harvard University economist Roland Freyer severely upsets this narrative.

The New York Times explains how:

In shootings in these 10 cities involving officers, officers were more likely to fire their weapons without having first been attacked when the suspects were white. Black and white civilians involved in police shootings were equally likely to have been carrying a weapon. Both results undercut the idea of racial bias in police use of lethal force.

But police shootings are only part of the picture. What about situations in which an officer might be expected to fire, but doesn’t?

To answer this, Mr. Fryer focused on one city, Houston. The Police Department there let the researchers look at reports not only for shootings but also for arrests when lethal force might have been justified. Mr. Fryer defined this group to include encounters with suspects the police subsequently charged with serious offenses like attempting to murder an officer, or evading or resisting arrest. He also considered suspects shocked with Tasers.

Mr. Fryer found that in such situations, officers in Houston were about 20 percent less likely to shoot if the suspects were black. This estimate was not precise, and firmer conclusions would require more data. But in various models controlling for different factors and using different definitions of tense situations, Mr. Fryer found that blacks were either less likely to be shot or there was no difference between blacks and whites.

In a celebratory response to Freyer’s new research, the right-wing news entertainment media is smearing the graves of black people who have been killed by America’s police while simultaneously mocking and deriding the Black Lives Matter movement and its struggle for human dignity. For conservatives, Freyer’s work is also a vindication of their fantastical and delusional belief that systematic and institutional racism against people of color in the United States is largely a myth.

Of course, matters are much more complicated.

Freyer’s research on police use of lethal force is not a definitive rebuttal or wholesale rejection of the racial disparities that exist in how America’s cops treat black people as compared to whites. For example, it does not disprove that the recent video recorded killings of Alton Sterling and Philando Castile were driven by anti-black racism. Freyer’s conclusions, like other research of this type, speak to macro-level societal phenomenon and not every individual case.

While many conservatives are crowing about Freyer’s finding that police may not, in fact, be more likely to use lethal force against black people, they are conveniently refusing to acknowledge how his work providesfurther evidence of anti-black bias (and casual, day-to-day brutality) by the country’s cops:

The New York Times continues with:

Moreover, the results do not mean that the general public’s perception of racism in policing is misguided. Lethal uses of force are exceedingly rare. There were 1.6 million arrests in Houston in the years Mr. Fryer studied. Officers fired their weapons 507 times. What is far more common are nonlethal uses of force.

And in these uses of force, Mr. Fryer found racial differences, which is in accord with public perception and other studies.

In New York City, blacks stopped by the police were about 17 percent more likely to experience use of force, according to stop-and-frisk records kept between 2003 and 2013. (In the later year, a judge ruled that the tactic as employed then was unconstitutional.)

That gap, adjusted for suspect behavior and other factors, was surprisingly consistent across various levels of force. Black suspects were 18 percent more likely to be pushed up against a wall, 16 percent more likely to be handcuffed without being arrested and 18 percent more likely to be pushed to the ground.

Even when the police said that civilians were compliant, blacks experienced more force.

These are the types of daily and cumulative humiliations that logically lead many black Americans to distrust the police, view them as an occupying force that neither protects nor serves people of color, and at the extreme fuels the rage that led Micah Xavier Johnson to shoot 5 police in Dallas, Texas last week.

Social science is cumulative and iterative. For example, Freyer’s conclusions about police use of lethal force will have to be reconciled relative to work by Cody Ross which shows that America’s cops are at least 3 times more likely to shoot unarmed black people than they are unarmed whites. Likewise, social psychologists and others have demonstrated that subconscious racism-implicit bias influences police to shoot black people faster than whites.

If Freyer’s conclusions are correct, then while police may be less willing to use lethal force against a black person in a given encounter, there are so many encounters because of racial profiling or other causes that the country’s police are still killing black people at much higher rates than whites.

These disparities in use of force cannot be explained away by the argument that blacks disproportionately live in high crime areas or supposedly commit crimes at a higher rate than whites, thus the likelihood of negative police encounters are substantially increased.

There will be other interventions made as well. How representative of the United States as a whole was Freyer’s sample of cases? Was there a type of social desirability or selection bias at work, where those police departments whose officers are most likely to use lethal force against black people declined to share their data? These questions are not the fault of Professor Freyer, but rather a function of how America’s police departments are not required to accurately and consistently report the number of people they kill to the federal government and general public.

And ultimately, police thuggery and violence cannot be decoupled from the documented racism and discrimination of the broader criminal justice system, and how America’s police have historically been enforcers of white supremacy. This is the social and political context that any serious discussion of anti-black and anti-brown violence by police in the United States must grapple.

Denzel Washington, in his Oscar-winning performance as corrupt Los Angeles police officer Alonzo Harris in the movie “Training Day” tells Jake Hoyt that, “It’s not what you know; it’s what you can prove”. Professor Roland Fryer’s new work is so very important because America’s police departments cannot be properly reformed unless the facts are known—and yes, “common sense” assumptions about race, policing, and the law are challenged.

Once we understand the nature of the problem it can fixed. Anything less will bring sub-optimal results.

Chauncey DeVega’s essays on race, politics and popular culture can also be found at Chaunceydevega.com/. He is a regular guest on Ring of Fire Radio and TV, and hosts a weekly podcast, The Chauncey DeVega Show. Follow him on Twitter.
giujohn
 
  1  
Reply Sun 17 Jul, 2016 08:17 am
@bobsal u1553115,
LOL...and who pray tell is my cellmate?? Truth be told if anyone here has had a cellmate it would be you...it's the only reason you could be this angry at the police!!
bobsal u1553115
 
  0  
Reply Mon 18 Jul, 2016 06:48 am
@giujohn,
Quote:
who pray tell is my cellmate??


Why don't you roll over and ask him?
giujohn
 
  2  
Reply Mon 18 Jul, 2016 10:37 am
@bobsal u1553115,
Oh I see Bob it's some homophobic reference... okay I got it you hate police officers white people and homosexuals... I must say your hatred runs deep have I left anybody off the list?
bobsal u1553115
 
  1  
Reply Mon 18 Jul, 2016 10:41 am
@giujohn,
I have nothing against homosexuals. Projection on your part? I never said you were, not that there's anything wrong with it. I do note the sensitivity about it you have. Maybe you're the bigot you need to address.
0 Replies
 
bobsal u1553115
 
  0  
Reply Mon 18 Jul, 2016 10:42 am
Another acquittal in the Freddie Gray case

Lt. Brian Rice, the highest ranking officer involved in the arrest and transport, found not guilty of all charges.

Do you think there's been a media blackout of the trials?

http://www.baltimoresun.com/news/maryland/freddie-gray/bs-md-ci-rice-verdict-20160718-story.html
giujohn
 
  -1  
Reply Mon 18 Jul, 2016 10:46 am
@bobsal u1553115,
Even the bleeding-heart liberal press who need to fill a 24-hour news cycle knows where there's no smoke there's no fire.
0 Replies
 
ossobucotemp
 
  2  
Reply Mon 18 Jul, 2016 11:22 am
@bobsal u1553115,
Thanks for copying it, Bobsal.
bobsal u1553115
 
  0  
Reply Mon 18 Jul, 2016 11:51 am
@ossobucotemp,
We gotta face up to reality of it if we're ever going to fix it. Otherwise we end up like baldino and giujohn.
bobsal u1553115
 
  0  
Reply Mon 18 Jul, 2016 11:52 am

How We Wrongly Learn to Love White Men With Guns

We learn to see white men— and especially white men with guns—as the definition of American, and those most deserving of our empathy.

By Imraan Siddiqi / The Establishment
July 15, 2016

http://www.alternet.org/civil-liberties/how-we-wrongly-learn-love-white-men-guns

Millions of Americans watched videos online last week which showed police officers being shot and killed in Dallas. The terrifying attack was carried out by a lone gunman who was apparently targeting “white officers.” In subsequent coverage of the violence, which resulted in the death of five people, many news outlets described the events of the night as “shocking.”

There’s no doubt that these videos stood out as such, given how many were moved to respond to the violence. The National Rifle Association made a statement honoring the “heroism” of the police, mainstream media outlets widely shared the sympathetic life stories of the officers killed, and a national outpouring of sorrow led some teachers to ask children to “wear blue” to school in remembrance of the victims.

When two Black men, Alton Sterling and Philando Castile, died at the hands of the police earlier in the week, many of those same news outlets used the word “shocking” to describe that footage of violence. But it’s worth asking: Did these videos truly have that effect? The NRA didn’t make a statement then, mainstream media was less focused on championing the victims’ lives, and we didn’t see a similar national embrace of Black families. While there were certainly protests and even a Presidential response to the videos, they were not rooted in the same sense of appall.

It’s not difficult to discern why reactions to these violent episodes differed. We are not accustomed to watching the killing of police officers and white people, two groups for whom being indiscriminately murdered is statistically abnormal. In fact, the death of five officers in Dallas made it the deadliest day for police in the U.S. since September 11th . Conversely, as Ezekiel Ekewu wrote for MTV last week, grainy videos of Black people being killed by the police are not out of the ordinary in 2016. They are very much commonplace.

Indeed, Sterling and Castile join a long list of names — and montage of images — of Black people we’ve become familiar with as a result of viral videos capturing their final moments of life,  videos which are played over and over again on our Facebook timelines and then again and again in our heads for weeks afterwards.

It’s much stranger for us to see white people in uniform — normally the ones holding the weapons — being directly attacked. A day before the attack in Dallas, another clip of a white man being shot, this time by the police themselves, also circulated online, though not quite as widely. The footage of 19-year-old Dylan Noble being killed in Fresno, while lying on the ground, was also described by some in the media as “shocking.” Yet perhaps because police were still holding the guns there, it didn’t quite shake us in the same way.

Generally, a white person being executed on camera is not a common sight on our Twitter feeds. But sniper attacks on police officers are rarer still, and thus particularly unsettling for many (even if we might be accustomed to such scenes in foreign countries).

This isn’t to say that intentional attacks on these groups never happen, but that they’re not images we’re used to seeing in America. In fact, while we are conditioned from very early on to view Black people in the context of criminality, rather than in the context of humanizing love or joy, we learn to see white men— and especially white men with guns—as the definition of American, and those most deserving of our empathy.

***

Clips of Black life dehumanized — dismissed and discarded by those in power — are mirrored by the images we commonly see of Black people in popular media. As others have pointed out, there’s a direct line from the videotaped murder of Sterling to the lynching postcards of the past, or to newspaper photographs of Emmett Till in 1954.

We also see echoes of these images in less overt ways every day. This includes the images on the biggest screen — Hollywood cinema — where we’re more likely to see Black people in distress, or creating distress, than we are to see them in joy, or expressing love (if, of course, we even see them at all).

A quick scan of the year’s most successful films proves as much, with only the occasional children’s film or Kevin Hart vehicle breaking through a sea of whiteness. This is not to say that Black people don’t appear in other top movies — including this year’s #1 live-action hit, Captain America: Civil War — but that they aren’t centered, and thus aren’t given the majority of our attention or empathy.

When we examine this further, it means Black people on camera are not often in situations which might explicitly counter the fear, danger, and violence of the recorded deaths of Eric Garner, Tamir Rice, or dozens of others the public has now witnessed.

In a 2011 study titled “Media Representations and Impact on the Lives of Black Men and Boys,” researchers found that more often than not, when we do see Black men in “positive” roles on screen, they still “tend to be associated with a relatively limited range of qualities, such as physical ability and/or entertainment skills.”

We’re more likely, in fact, to have in our memories an entire history of media images associating Black people with crime, violence, and demeaning pity, from Birth of a Nation to the Rodney King beating to Precious. These are the same associations which led people to wrongfully accuse a random Black man of being a suspect in the Dallas shooting and to “congratulate” a successful Black actress for being able to fly first class last month. And they’re why we so easily ignore the epidemic of violence against Black trans women.

That 2011 study of media representations concluded that “a consumer of most of American media can hardly help thinking of black males in terms of problems.” In her 2014 essay, writer Jade Davis went further, saying “the moment we see a black guy on our screen — any screen — we expect him to die.”

Meanwhile, images of white people in love — embracing, kissing, laughing together — are completely normalized. Search Google for “people in love” and it’s almost exclusively white couples. Every one of the entries on the American Film Institute’s Top 10 Romantic Comedies of all time list stars straight white people. This is so commonplace in our culture that it becomes ingrained in us from childhood — that love looks a certain way.

While it’s also true that white men are the majority of villains on screen — after all, they are the majority of everything on screen — the fact remains that nearly every popular hero throughout the history of cinema has been a straight white man. And that means we’ve been taught that not only are white men more likely to be deserving of love, but that they are more likely to have “good” intentions — more likely to want to protect us from harm.

We’ve been taught that white men are the solutions to our problems. In the AFI list of the 50 greatest movie heroes of all time, published in 2003, only one Black man was named — In the Heat of the Night’s Virgil Tibbs. In a 2012 list of the “100 Greatest Movie Characters,” voted by readers of Empire, only three Black men are listed, and no Black women made the cut.

Furthermore, the vast majority of the heroes on these lists are men like James Bond and Indiana Jones — those who use violence to keep us safe; who brandish weapons to serve and protect. Even when mainstream media does find Black heroes to celebrate — like Tibbs or Pulp Fiction’s Jules Winnfield — they also tend to be straight men in uniform or defined by hyper-masculinity.

Military veteran Roy Scranton recently wrote an essay for The New York Times titled “Star Wars and the Fantasy of American Violence,” in which he discusses the mythic qualities our culture assigns to the military and “the story” we tell ourselves about this fascination with violence.

This is the predominant story of Hollywood: A good man with a gun is what protects us from “evil,” and his actions represent who we are as Americans. It’s one of our favorite narratives at the movies, from How the West Was Won to Guardians of the Galaxy.And even when the antagonists on screen are the police — which happens occasionally — the hero is typically another man who believes in violence as righteous justice. Thus we become extremely practiced in putting ourselves in the shoes of these types of men.

In this context, it makes sense that to see police officers attacked — especially by a shooter who is Black—scares us (especially if we are white), because it flips the popular and founding story of this country. It shocks our sense of security. To see a Black man in the same position, though, is far less likely to stir us. To see a police officer break down in tears after his colleague is killed, as we saw in Dallas, is more likely to cause many Americans to well up with emotion, than to see a 15-year-old Black boy, or his mother, break down on camera after the murder of Alton Sterling.

This is because we have been trained to feel extreme empathy for the men in blue, or any straight white man trying to “do good,” but have been asked to feel very little empathy for Black people, especially those being confronted by white men with guns.

In his essay, Scranton goes on to describe how, as a soldier in Iraq, he learned to view himself and the brown-skinned enemies he was attacking in the context of that Hollywood-American story:

“I was both caught up in that myth and released from it: I could see what ‘the work of peace’ really looked like, what American violence did to Iraqi homes and bodies, yet it remained my job to be an agent of that violence . . . ”

Cinema and popular media’s long history of such images — of lynchings, foreign wars, fire-hosing, beatings, police killings — collectively and overwhelmingly puts violent white people in the position of “hero” and people of color in the position of “enemy.”

In order to challenge a lifetime of learning to center white lives and seeing violence as good, we need to see — recondition ourselves with — images of Black people who are not just killing or being killed. We need to see a celebration of Black love on the biggest and smallest screens, too, including in white and other non-Black communities. We need more Lemonade, #CareFreeBlackKids2k16, and Timbuktu.

This doesn’t mean representations need to be perfect, or that they should avoid tragedy, but that Black people, especially women, deserve to be seen more often as just human — happy, angry, sad, and alive.

***

The distorted visuals of white supremacy not only teach non-black folks to see Black people in a fearful light, but affect Black people themselves— including children like four-year-old Dae’Anna, who sat calmly in the backseat of the car while her mother’s boyfriend Philando Castile was murdered. Children grow up learning a certain picture of criminality, violence, and heroism. They watch blockbusters, experience trauma, look in the mirror, and learn to associate some meaning with their skin color.

Cinema has an opportunity to show them truer reflections of their value. If media has played a role in telling the story of America—however flawed the current tale is—it can play a role in changing it, to move it away from the violence of the police and the military, and toward the love expressed by women like Dae’Anna’s mother ,  Diamond “Lavish” Reynolds.

If our films could tell more complete stories about Black women, we might one day create the context for all Americans to recognize that Reynolds was among the great heroes we saw on camera last week—a Black woman, without a gun or uniform, who had the courage to livestream her boyfriend’s death at the hands of the police, in the face of certain danger. She calmly brought the world’s attention to the injustice happening right next to her — taking action to make us all a bit safer.

Yet the fact that some still viewed her with suspicion, questioning her motives in that harrowing moment with the police, is evidence enough of how much reeducation is needed. It’s a reminder of how deeply ingrained the story of heroic white American violence, and “good guys with guns,” is embedded in our minds — and how often it is retold.

Read more at The Establishment, and follow us on Facebook and Twitter.
0 Replies
 
giujohn
 
  -1  
Reply Mon 18 Jul, 2016 11:59 am
Question: who do you think Bob calls in the middle of the night when someone kicks in his door with the intent to take his life?
bobsal u1553115
 
  0  
Reply Mon 18 Jul, 2016 02:14 pm
@giujohn,
Smith and Wesson, unless I'm heading out the door if the raccoons are in the trash cans again, then its Mossberg.

We don't have that kind of crime around here.

What kind of rathole do you live in?

Now stop bothering the adults and eat your turkey.
giujohn
 
  -2  
Reply Mon 18 Jul, 2016 02:33 pm
@bobsal u1553115,
Ah... liberal gun owner how interesting... Although I'm not really buying it Bob. Just like I didn't buy when you said you were going to ignore me!
0 Replies
 
oralloy
 
  -2  
Reply Mon 18 Jul, 2016 02:35 pm
@bobsal u1553115,
bobsal u1553115 wrote:
Otherwise we end up like baldino and giujohn.

In other words, people who care about facts and logic.

Nothing wrong with that.
RABEL222
 
  2  
Reply Mon 18 Jul, 2016 02:41 pm
@giujohn,
Quote:
Well there's a relevant reply and then there's a sophomoric reply


Razz Razz Razz Razz Razz Razz Razz
0 Replies
 
RABEL222
 
  2  
Reply Mon 18 Jul, 2016 02:46 pm
@oralloy,
Quote:
In other words, people who care about facts and logic.


Just kidding right Ollie?
0 Replies
 
bobsal u1553115
 
  0  
Reply Mon 18 Jul, 2016 02:53 pm
@bobsal u1553115,
I inherited the hammerless "Chiefs" S&W .38 from my dad, the Mossberg 12g pump I got for around $150 at Academy. Its loaded with rock salt.

What I don't have is a useless AR-15 with a banana clip. I say take them out of all their owner's hands - cold and dead if need be - put the owner's name on them and store them at the militia armory to be released to the owners if civil authorities call out the militia. This would be accomplished with police. And after thats done cops are down armed to shot guns only - no "long rifles" except for SWAT.

Put that in your pipe and smoke it.
 

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