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The Israeli Fence

 
 
pistoff
 
Reply Mon 23 Feb, 2004 04:27 pm
Published on Monday, February 23, 2004 by the New York Times

A Wall as a Weapon

by Noam Chomsky


It is a virtual reflex for governments to plead security concerns when they undertake any controversial action, often as a pretext for something else. Careful scrutiny is always in order. Israel's so-called security fence, which is the subject of hearings starting today at the International Court of Justice in The Hague, is a case in point.

Few would question Israel's right to protect its citizens from terrorist attacks like the one yesterday, even to build a security wall if that were an appropriate means. It is also clear where such a wall would be built if security were the guiding concern: inside Israel, within the internationally recognized border, the Green Line established after the 1948-49 war. The wall could then be as forbidding as the authorities chose: patrolled by the army on both sides, heavily mined, impenetrable. Such a wall would maximize security, and there would be no international protest or violation of international law.

This observation is well understood. While Britain supports America's opposition to the Hague hearings, its foreign minister, Jack Straw, has written that the wall is "unlawful." Another ministry official, who inspected the "security fence," said it should be on the Green Line or "indeed on the Israeli side of the line." A British parliamentary investigative commission also called for the wall to be built on Israeli land, condemning the barrier as part of a "deliberate" Israeli "strategy of bringing the population to heel."

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http://www.commondreams.org/views04/0223-02.htm
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Fedral
 
  1  
Reply Mon 23 Feb, 2004 04:36 pm
Mending Fences[/u]
By:Clifford D. May
February 19, 2004

What if it works? What if the terrorism prevention barrier, the fence, the wall - call it what you like - what if it actually were to succeed in frustrating the West Bank terrorists who for years have routinely murdered Israelis by the score?

This possibility has not received much consideration. Instead, the debate has been dominated by those who argue that the fence is inconveniencing Palestinians who live along its route -- as it surely is -- and whether the International Court of Justice can be manipulated into condemning Israeli self-defense as it has never condemned terrorism. In fact, the court is likely to be so manipulated; the hearings begin Monday, February 23rd in The Hague and the UN's court is expected to act as a kangaroo court.

But what if all that is ignored, the fence is erected -- and it works? The benefits to Israelis are clear. Less obvious is that under such conditions it also would be possible to relieve Palestinian communities of the stress of Israeli military occupation. Tanks and troops could pull back. Curfews could be lifted. Checkpoints could be removed.

And that's not all. Currently, life on the West Bank is dreadful - poverty is rampant, unemployment is epidemic, freedom is non-existent. It doesn't need to be that way. It wasn't always that way.

In 1967, Israel took the West Bank from Jordan. That was the price Jordan paid for launching an attack against Israel from the West Bank - joining Egypt and Syria in what was intended to be a war to drive Israel into the sea once and for all.

Ironically, under Israeli rule from 1967 to 1993, the West Bank's economy was among the fastest growing in the world thanks to burgeoning commerce between Israelis and Palestinians. Health care improved and the mortality rate dropped. Where there had been not a single institution of higher learning, by the early 1990s there were seven universities in the West Bank.

What stopped this momentum? The "Oslo peace process." In 1993, the Israelis brought Yasser Arafat back from exile in Tunisia and put him in charge - angering many local Palestinian leaders. Arafat made the territories under his control a safe haven for all manner of terrorists. Then, in 2000, at Camp David, he turned down an Israeli offer for full statehood in 95% of the West Bank and Gaza and launched a wave of terror beyond anything Israel had ever experienced. In response, in 2002, Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon ordered his soldiers to re-occupy the West Bank.

For the average Palestinian, Arafat's rein has been all guns, no butter. He has done nothing to spur development, and he has nurtured corruption. Schools have taught not skills and vocations, but hatred of Jews and the glories of dying as a suicide bomber. While billions of dollars in foreign aid have poured into the Palestinian Authority's coffers, employment and income have fallen. But Arafat has become one of the richest men in the world.

Putting up barriers that deny terrorists easy access to Israeli victims won't end Arafat's misrule. But perhaps, in such a circumstance, other Arab leaders might facilitate that goal.

To date, Arab leaders have not played a serious role in the peace process. But perhaps they could be persuaded to assist in the reconstruction of Palestinian communities -- once the fence had created a de facto ceasefire, once it became clear that West Bank-based terrorism was no longer a growth industry.

And were average Palestinians to enjoy some peace, quiet and economic opportunity, perhaps they would be less inclined to continue to passively accept Arafat's failed leadership. Perhaps they would be bold enough to demand leaders willing to fight terrorism and corruption, initiate democratic reforms and negotiate in earnest with Israel.

Such a scenario frightens Arafat as no helicopter gunship ever could. That is why he has orchestrated next week's hearings at The Hague. The purpose is not really to argue about the route the fence will take. Israel has been negotiating with American diplomats on that, and Israel is willing to talk with others - though not with terrorists. You don't negotiate with burglars where you may put your burglar alarms.

No, the real point of the hearings in The Hague is to challenge Israel's right to self-defense, to put on trial Israel's right to exist, to ask a respected international body to issue a license to kill Israelis.

But what if this effort fails? What if people see the hearings for the propaganda exercise they are? What if the UN's court is dismissed as having compromised its integrity, having become no more serious a body than the UN's Commission on Human Rights - which is headed by Libya and includes such chronic human rights violators as Saudi Arabia and Syria?

And what if the barriers, fences, walls - call them what you will -- succeed in separating two societies now locked in mortal combat, giving both a chance to calm down, cool off and look squarely toward the future? Is there a chance that, at the end of the day, the fence could become a bridge to a new era? Is it not worth a try?
0 Replies
 
pistoff
 
  1  
Reply Mon 23 Feb, 2004 04:53 pm
The fence
It's a prison for the Israeli and the Palistinians. History: The Warsaw Gheto.
0 Replies
 
Craven de Kere
 
  1  
Reply Mon 23 Feb, 2004 04:55 pm
As long as the fence is built on Israeli territory (it isn't) I support it. A similar contructionin the gaza strip has worked well (all things considered).

My only qualm with the fence is that it's location is influenced by some of the greater Israel dreamers.

Other than that I applaud most attempts by Israel to disassociate themselves from the territories.

I only wish they'd actually do it, and not keep the greater Israel hopes alive.
0 Replies
 
pistoff
 
  1  
Reply Mon 23 Feb, 2004 05:11 pm
Israeli Territory?
Isn't "Israeli Territory" the Big Question?
0 Replies
 
Craven de Kere
 
  1  
Reply Mon 23 Feb, 2004 05:37 pm
Yeah, but most reasonable folk advocate 1967ish lines.

Isreal is building it outside of those lines, at times well outside the lines.

Most people disagree with the fence because they see it as a land grab. Palestinians have condemned it because it will cut them out of Israel's economy (which I see no problem with) and oddly enough some of the greater Israel dreamers complain that it might become the defacto border, ending their dream of expation.

Me, I just want a reasonable line and the biggest baddest fence between them.

When Palestinians are no longer able to kill Israelis Israelis will no longer have a pretext for expationism.
0 Replies
 
pistoff
 
  1  
Reply Mon 23 Feb, 2004 05:53 pm
?
I don't feel that most Israelis would go along with 1967 borders. They are in fact, in favor of stealing even more territory.

I could be incorrect but I don't feel that this fence will stop the suicide bombers. In fact, it may increase the violence.

Probably simplistic but I think of this at times: The Nation of Islam takes over a USA state and starts grabbing territory of residents there. A territoritial war ensues. Neither side will give up anything. The NoI keeps expanding it's land grab. Make any sense?
0 Replies
 
Craven de Kere
 
  1  
Reply Mon 23 Feb, 2004 06:06 pm
I disagree, I'd say that the overwhelming majority of Israelis accept 67-ish borders but that there are breakdowns on other levels.

Settler-expantionist types are actually kinda rare (though influential).
0 Replies
 
pistoff
 
  1  
Reply Mon 23 Feb, 2004 06:20 pm
Hmm....
When Sharon was talking about giving up some territory 100K protested in the streets. Am I incorrect 'bou that?
0 Replies
 
Craven de Kere
 
  1  
Reply Mon 23 Feb, 2004 06:22 pm
I'm not sure what event you are talking about. Let's put it this way, it all depends on which territory.

If it's the remote settlements I bet the lastest Israeli opinion poll is over 70% in favor of dismantling them.

Now if it's Jerusalem....
0 Replies
 
pistoff
 
  1  
Reply Mon 23 Feb, 2004 06:37 pm
?
Sorry I cannot link the source but I read that Israelis and Palistians got along alright at one time. It's the extremists on both sides that keep the blood flowing.

Do you agree that it's really about territory?
0 Replies
 
 

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