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GOP sees chance to win over Hispanic voters

 
 
Reply Tue 10 Apr, 2012 11:01 am
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Apr. 10, 2012
GOP sees chance to win over Hispanic voters
Marc Caputo | McClatchy Newspapers

MIAMI — Just beneath the surface of President Barack Obama's strong approval ratings, Republicans see signs of a chance to woo Hispanic voters and turn this influential bloc of voters to their side.

A new poll from a new Republican-leaning group called the Libre Initiative finds that Hispanic voters are unhappy with the country's direction, pessimistic about their kids' futures and suspicious about what government can do to foster the American dream.

"We're getting in front of Hispanics with a different message than you've been hearing," said Jose Mallea, Libre Initiative's national coordinator.

"The Democrats want to talk about immigration and the DREAM Act," Mallea said. "This is an effort to talk about economic freedom, opportunity, the American dream, and government overreach."

Mallea acknowledged that the nationwide poll for the group - which oversampled Hispanic voters in states such as Florida and California - showed that Republicans have catching up to do when it comes to Hispanics.

A big reason for the Hispanic gap in Obama's favor: The so-called DREAM Act, which seeks to give the best and brightest children of illegal immigrants a path to citizenship for enrolling in college or the military.

Though Obama failed to get the act passed when Democrats controlled Congress, many Republicans have opposed it outright, saying it allows for too much "amnesty" that encourages more illegal immigration.

Now, Republican U.S. Sen. Marco Rubio of Florida has offered a scaled-back version that would give legal residency status - but not citizenship - to some college- and military-bound residents who aren't legal citizens.

The Libre Initiative didn't poll the DREAM Act or Rubio's proposal. The former is wildly popular among Hispanic voters, and one recent poll by the group Latino Decisions showed that Hispanics are less likely to vote for a candidate who opposes the act.

Nationwide, Obama pulls in 61 percent of the Latino vote against a generic Republican who would get just 31 percent, according to the Libre Initiative poll of 500 likely Hispanic voters conducted by the Tarrance Group, a firm that typically surveys for Republicans. The pollster oversampled 700 Hispanic voters in seven states.

Likely Hispanic voters in Florida were the least enthusiastic when it came to support for Obama, with 48 percent saying they would vote for the president and 45 percent planning to vote against him. That lead is well inside the poll's error margin of plus or minus 4.5 percent. Florida, however, is an anomaly when it comes to the Hispanic vote due to the heavy concentration of Cuban American voters, who tend to be more conservative than, say, Mexican or Puerto Rican voters.

A principal with Latino Decisions, Gary Segura, said the immigration debate will probably play more in Obama's favor this summer when the U.S. Supreme Court takes up the constitutionality of Arizona's immigration crackdown, reviled by many Hispanics.

"That's a huge ticking time bomb," Segura said. "Even though the president, in my opinion, has been lousy on the issue, he'll come out looking good."

The Libre Initiative wants to stop that, and Mallea points out that the economy is no advantage for Obama.

A majority of Hispanics - 51 percent in the nation, 54 percent in Florida - say it's harder to open businesses now than it was four years ago. More than half say the country is on the wrong track. More than eight in 10 Hispanics are concerned with the federal government's debt, and 54 percent nationally - 57 percent in Florida - want to see less government spending.

The poll, however, didn't ask respondents if they thought the rich should pay higher taxes - a common and popular Democratic talking point.

More than half of Hispanics in the nation and Florida believe they have achieved the American dream, but more than half believe the next generation won't be as well off. Also, when asked about the role of government in achieving the American dream, 56 percent nationwide and 61 percent in Florida say less government would be better.

The questions are phrased in such a way that they could produce more conservative-leaning responses. And that's the point. The group wants its chance to peel off persuadable Hispanic voters, Mallea said.

Republicans don't expect to win the Hispanic vote nationwide. But if they can peel off a portion of the vote, it could cost Obama big - especially in Florida, said Mallea, a former Florida manager for Newt Gingrich's presidential campaign and Rubio's successful Senate bid in 2010. The nonprofit group's executive director, Dan Garza, is a former outreach director for President George W. Bush's White House.

The group intends to raise and spend millions of dollars for commercials, fliers and outreach to help reach Hispanics, many of whom have been turned off by the GOP debate over immigration. Republican luminaries like Rubio and former Florida Gov. Jeb Bush have cautioned Republicans over their tone in the immigration debate.

Mallea said Obama's numbers with Hispanic voters remind him of the support for another one of Florida's former governors, who was chased out of the Republican Party and then beaten in the general election last year by Rubio.

"What you could see with Obama is what you saw with Charlie Crist: support a mile wide but an inch thick," Mallea said. "If you can crack that inch, you can move people."
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'Economic freedom' message seen as appealing to crucial Latino vote
By Peter H. Stone
September 22, 2011

Eyeing potentially restive Hispanic voters in 2012, GOP operative Dan Garza is launching an “economic freedom” message campaign aimed at Latinos, and hiring big name business and religious figures to help in key states.

Garza told iWatch News he hopes to raise $1 million by the end of 2011 for his campaign, dubbed the Libre Initiative, which will tout such core Republican values as less economic and business regulation. Among the big name donors he has approached are “representatives of the Koch family,” said Garza, who worked in the White House’s public liaison office under George W. Bush and then did stints with Spanish language media. Garza declined to say, however, whether Koch interests have committed any funds yet to the initiative, a 501 (c) (4) which is permitted to keep donors names secret.

Two GOP operatives familiar with the initiative say Garza told them he has already secured commitments for about $1 million — including funds from Koch family interests.

Charles and David Koch control the nation’s second largest privately owned company, Kansas-based Koch Industries, with big interests in oil and gas, paper products and derivatives trading. The two Koch brothers are each reportedly worth about $21 billion. Over the last few decades the brothers and Koch family foundations have been financial angels for numerous conservative think tanks, grassroots groups and politicians.

A spokesman for Koch declined to comment.

Garza’s fledgling effort is but the latest example of GOP drives to win the hearts, minds and votes of the fast- growing Hispanic community — efforts that in the 2012 elections could be crucial in swing states like Florida and New Mexico.

On Friday and Saturday in Albuquerque, the Hispanic Leadership Network, run by Jennifer Korn, another alumnus of the Bush public liaison office, is hosting a conference featuring several prominent Latino officials as part of its drive to build a Hispanic grassroots political network. Korn’s group was created earlier this year by the Republican-affiliated American Action Network; the network is chaired by former Sen. Norm Coleman, a Minnesota Republican.

And this summer the Republican State Leadership Committee — chaired by GOP super-consultant Ed Gillespie —announced plans to spend $3 million in 2012 recruiting 100 Hispanics to run for state legislative office and boosting GOP support for women and other minority candidates.

“Voters would like to have someone they can identify with,” Gillespie told iWatch News, noting that currently there are only 39 Republican Hispanic state legislators nationwide. “The immediate perspective is to increase our share of the Hispanic vote in 2012, which would be significant,” Gillespie said.

Hispanics are the nation’s fastest growing minority: there are some 50 million living in the U.S., about 16 percent of the nation’s population, according to the 2010 census. One in five voters in 2012 is expected to be Hispanic in states such as California, New Mexico and Texas.

The GOP’s stepped up drive to woo Hispanics may be complicated by the get-tough stances of many leading Republicans on the issue of illegal immigration — and the sometimes harsh rhetoric of conservative Tea Party activists.

But Republicans see new opportunities in part because of the impact of the recession. Unemployment in Hispanic communities has been running at more than 11 percent, compared to the latest national figure of 9.1 percent.

In 2008, the Obama campaign reportedly spent about $20 million on a robust Hispanic outreach effort, and was rewarded with 67 percent of the Hispanic vote. The President’s overall job approval rating dropped to 48 percent among Hispanics, according to a recent Gallup survey, down from 60 percent in January. The drop in support is usually attributed to the impact of the struggling economy and disappointments about the failure to enact comprehensive immigration reform.

Democrats know they can’t take the Hispanic vote for granted. In mid-August, the White House hosted 160 Hispanic leaders for two days of meetings that included access to cabinet officials and key presidential advisers, according to The Washington Post. The get-together seems to be part of a stepped-up drive by the White House and President Obama’s reelection campaign to revive Hispanic enthusiasm before next fall. .

“I think both sides are going to spend a lot of money to win the Hispanic vote,” said Jose Mallea, the campaign manager in 2010 for GOP Sen. Marco Rubio of Florida.

Mallea, who worked for White House chief of staff Andy Card while Garza was at the public liaison office, said he “offered to help Dan” with the Libre Initiative . “I think it’s a great idea. He told me he had funding,” Mallea said.

The gist of the Libre Initiative, based in Mission Texas, is simple: “By increasing awareness of economic freedom, people will vote accordingly,” said Garza. “Our effort is to expand the conversation from just immigration to issues of the economy, jobs and small business.”

To achieve these goals, the Initiative has hired Michael Barrera, the former president of the U.S. Hispanic Chamber of Commerce and John Mendez, a Southern California evangelical minister. Garza, who left the White House in 2006, also boasts media skills that could help: he did a stint in 2008 as host of Agenda Washington, a Sunday morning show on Univision, the Spanish language cable network. Garza previously was president of Hispanic and Poder magazines.

The Colorado-based Barrera will focus on reaching out to small business and entrepreneurs in the Southwest, while Mendez will be doing “outreach to mostly faith-based groups,” Garza said.

Garza said the initiative plans to target three big states California, Florida and Texas, plus the Southwest and Northeast. To spread its message widely, the initiative will “align with organizations that support economic freedom,” such as the American Enterprise Institute, CATO and the Mercatus Center, Garza said. “We want to be a partner and a resource.”

Other groups are taking different tacks.

Korn of the Hispanic Leadership Network, told iWatch News that this weekend’s conference in Albuquerque will explore a range of issues affecting Hispanics, including jobs, housing and education. The meeting will feature New Mexico’s Governor Susana Martinez, former attorney general Alberto Gonzales — whose Justice Department Korn once worked for—and several other Hispanic political figures.

Korn, who was national Hispanic director for President Bush’s reelection drive in 2004, said her group has a budget of about $1 million annually, and plans to hold two conferences a year to help build a grassroots network that will include Hispanic leaders who want to be media surrogates. The group hosted a similar get-together in Florida early this year — which drew former Gov. Jeb Bush — and plans another one in the Sunshine State in early 2012.

Coleman of the American Action Network told iWatch News that the critical issue for the Hispanic network group is how best to “mobilize voters on the ground. It’s getting email and identifying organizations. It ranks as one of our top priorities.”

The Republican State Leadership Committee’s drive to recruit 100 Hispanic candidates for state legislative offices is “the first step on the escalator” to higher office, said Gillespie, noting that Sen. Rubio came out of the Florida legislature. “The Southwest,” Gillespie said, “is an area where we have a real opportunity and ready candidates.”

American Crossroads, the Karl Rove-linked group that Gillespie helped launch, also is trying to make inroads in the Hispanic vote in 2012. This summer, the group’s affiliate, Crossroads GPS, spent about $158,000 on Spanish language television spots hammering President Obama’s economic policies. The ads ran in nine markets with substantial Latino populations, including Denver, El Paso, Miami and Reno.

Crossroads declined to say what they’d spend next year on ads aimed at Hispanic voters. But Steven Law, the group’s president, said that “Hispanics are a huge priority for us… Hispanics are also becoming a crucial voting bloc in a number of states, and we need to be communicating with them on our issues.”


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BumbleBeeBoogie
 
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Reply Wed 11 Apr, 2012 11:19 am
@BumbleBeeBoogie,
Mitt Romney is hurting himself with Latino voters
Apr. 11, 2012
Dan Morain | The Sacramento Bee

Mitt Romney ought to be worried that he is coming down with a bad case of Meg Whitman syndrome.

Like his friend Whitman, who spent $162 million on her failed run for California governor in 2010, the more money that Romney and his benefactors spend, the less voters seem to like him.

That's only one telltale symptom of the ailment. Just as Whitman alienated Latino voters by morphing from a moderate to hard-liner on immigration, Romney's tough primary rhetoric aimed at illegal immigration is weakening him with Latino voters, damaging his chances in the general election.

In debates, ads and speeches, other Republican candidates attacked the former Massachusetts governor as a moderate. Romney responded by tacking hard to the right on illegal immigration, in his quest for primary voters who are more extreme than the general electorate.

To the delight of Barack Obama's campaign team, Romney has called Arizona's anti-immigration law a model for the nation, opposed amnesty for illegal immigrants and vowed that he would veto DREAM Act legislation, which would grant aid to college students whose illegal-immigrant parents brought them to this country.

Test results are coming back, and the situation looks grave. A Fox News poll last month showed that Latinos favor Obama over Romney by 70 percent to 14 percent. That same poll showed 90 percent of Latinos support the DREAM Act.

Latinos, the fastest growing segment of the nation's population, make up 10 percent, 20 percent or more of eligible voters in battleground states, and approach 40 percent in the highly competitive state of New Mexico.

Republican consultant Hector Barajas has spent the bulk of his career trying to help the GOP win over Latinos. It hasn't worked yet, and he worries the party's outreach will fail once more, in part because of stands taken by presidential candidates, including Romney, Barajas' choice.

"I'm a lot less enthusiastic now than I was, because of the harsh rhetoric toward immigration in the presidential campaign," Barajas said.

With his primary victories last week, Romney has all but vanquished Rick Santorum, his final serious challenger. No doubt, the candidate who described himself as severely conservative will move to the center on many issues, including immigration, or at least he'll try. Democrats will go out of their way to remind Latinos about Romney's primary campaign stands. Republican "friends" could chime in, too.

Russell Pearce offered Romney his help last week when he told the Washington Post that Romney's "immigration policy is identical to mine." Pearce is the Arizona lightning rod who authored that state's Senate Bill 1070, which allows local cops to detain suspected illegal immigrants and inflames many Latinos, who see it as a form of racial profiling.

There might have been a time – say, before the South Carolina primary – when Romney would have welcomed Pearce's marvelous words. Not now. The campaign didn't answer my email seeking a response to Pearce's comments.

Romney spokeswoman Andrea Saul did send an email saying, in ever-so-measured terms, that Romney would fix "our broken immigration system, respecting those who are waiting patiently to come here legally, and finally ending illegal immigration in a civil and resolute manner."

Earlier this year, back when his nomination was in doubt, Romney welcomed the endorsement of Kansas Secretary of State Kris W. Kobach, the former U.S. Justice Department official who helped write the anti-illegal immigration laws for Arizona and Alabama, and who has become a pariah among Latino activists.

Romney called Kobach "a true leader on securing our borders and stopping the flow of illegal immigration," and traveled with him in the days leading up to the South Carolina primary, but not since.

"He did say in a debate in Arizona that he thought the Arizona law was a model for the country," Kobach told me, referring to a February debate hosted by CNN. "That would square with my views."

All these issues – the Arizona law, amnesty, the DREAM Act – are familiar to Californians. They played out in the 2010 GOP gubernatorial primary fight between Whitman and her opponent, Steve Poizner.

Romney, who is a friend of Whitman's from their days at Bain Capital, worked hard for Whitman in her political debut. She campaigned for him when he ran for president in 2008 and is doing the same in this campaign.

But in this campaign, much of what Romney says mimics Poizner, or more likely strategist Stuart Stevens. Stevens was Poizner's top strategist and is a senior strategist for Romney's presidential campaign.

In 2010, Stevens called immigration the single biggest issue in the Poizner-Whitman primary. Poizner ran hard to the right on immigration, decrying policies that he said were "magnets" that draw illegal immigrants to California.

Similarly, Romney uses the magnet analogy, something not lost on Californians who worked for Poizner and Whitman. And just as Poizner accused Whitman of supporting amnesty for illegal immigrants, Romney attacked his rivals for supporting what he characterized as amnesty.

Poizner's strategy failed. Whitman clobbered him in the primary. But he also forced Whitman to harden her rhetoric, and, in the process, severely weakened Whitman heading into the general election campaign. Jerry Brown trounced her, in part because he won 63 percent to 80 percent of the Latino vote, depending on which poll you view.

In this campaign, Romney pushed himself to the right, further than he needed to go. As Whitman learned and Romney should have realized, Latino voters matter.

The 2012 presidential election could be decided in such states as Nevada, New Mexico and Colorado, where the Latino vote can determine the outcome.

Perhaps Romney will figure out a way to win some of that vote, maybe by picking a Latino or a Latina running mate.

But he better start shaking his campaign Etch A Sketch hard and hope that "friends" like Pearce stop trying to help him, or he risks falling victim to the same malady that led to Whitman's defeat.
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