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Clark's Charge, the story behind how he became a Democrat

 
 
Reply Sun 21 Sep, 2003 09:45 am
Campaign 2004: Clark's Charge
The Race: The general did what he always does?-shot to the top of his class. But his skin is thin, and the climb is steep. What Wesley Clark's arrival does to the Democratic field
By Howard Fineman - NEWSWEEK - Sept. 29 issue

After Al Qaeda attacked America, retired Gen. Wes Clark thought the Bush administration would invite him to join its team. After all, he'd been NATO commander, he knew how to build military coalitions and the investment firm he now worked for had strong Bush ties. But when GOP friends inquired, they were told: forget it.

WORD WAS THAT Karl Rove, the president's political mastermind, had blocked the idea. Clark was furious. Last January, at a conference in Switzerland, he happened to chat with two prominent Republicans, Colorado Gov. Bill Owens and Marc Holtzman, now president of the University of Denver. "I would have been a Republican," Clark told them, "if Karl Rove had returned my phone calls." Soon thereafter, in fact, Clark quit his day job and began seriously planning to enter the presidential race?-as a Democrat. Messaging NEWSWEEK by BlackBerry, Clark late last week insisted the remark was a "humorous tweak." The two others said it was anything but. "He went into detail about his grievances," Holtzman said. "Clark wasn't joking. We were really shocked."

They shouldn't have been: when Clark wades into the battle, he expects to be taken seriously. Howard Dean knew to be careful when he and Clark held what was supposed to be a secret conference three weeks ago in L.A. Dean's advisers had warned their boss not to even hint that Clark would be the running mate should Dean win the Democratic nomination. "That would have been both presumptuous and condescending," said a Dean aide. Somehow, word of the meeting leaked?-as did the notion (hotly denied by Dean insiders) that the VP slot indeed had been offered.

CLARK ENTERS THE RACE
Once again Clark was furious; once again his response was to gear up. The day of the leak, Clark for the first time met his new senior PR adviser, Mark Fabiani. The general asked him to suggest a possible chief of staff. Fabiani nominated Ron Klain, who had filled that role for Al Gore. "What's his number?" Clark asked?-and called immediately. Klain said yes. Nine days later, Clark entered the race.

Now all of politics has to take Clark seriously?-as the latest NEWSWEEK Poll shows. Entering with a tremendous media splash, "the general" seized the lead in the Democratic race. Among likely voters, Clark led with 14 percent, followed by Dean with 12, Sen. Joe Lieberman with 12, Sen. John Kerry with 10 and Rep. Dick Gephardt with 8. A candidate called "don't know" still led with 19 percent. (And if Al Gore and Hillary Clinton are added to the mix, they demolish the field.) The poll is notable for three reasons. It shows that Clark starts with the star power and on-paper credentials to be credible; he diminishes the entire field in equal proportion; and Democrats, yearning for a winner (and suddenly confident of their chances of beating President Bush), still haven't found their shining knight. "He hurts all of us a bit, at least for now," said Dean campaign manager Joe Trippi. "Where it goes from here? Who knows? A lot will depend on the general himself."

Indeed, his first few days on the campaign trail were anything but shock and awe. Never lacking for confidence, a firm believer in the virtues of surprise, spoiling for a fight from the time he bought his first toy soldier (at 5), Clark entered the race like the squad leader of a commando raid. He'd reconnoitered the battlefield for 18 months, attending Washington dinners, meeting big-hitting donors, learning the art of the sound bite as a contract player on CNN, sizing up the candidate competition in chance encounters and green-room chats. By the spring of 2002, he was counseling with the likes of Democratic insiders Donna Brazile and Donnie Fowler about whom to talk to, whom to hire and where to travel, even while holding a job with Stephens Inc., in his home of Little Rock, Ark. "When our fund-raising folks sat down with him the other day they were astonished," said Fabiani. "He'd already met everyone they were going to suggest that he see."

AT THE LAST MINUTE
But to give himself the option of a retreat, and to preserve the element of surprise, Clark didn't actually assemble his team until the last minute, and didn't give the "go" order until he had one last conversation with his wife, Gert, the day before he ordered his top people to fly to Little Rock for last Wednesday's announcement. As a result, Clark had little experience dealing with the nuances of myriad issues?-and no idea at all about how every word he uttered (in his entire life) would be parsed, inflated and exploded by media looking for simple declarations, clear stands and conflict, especially with other Democrats in the field. Hours after his announcement, ABC's Mark Halperin asked Clark for his personal ranking of the two most crucial U.S. Supreme Court decisions of the last quarter century. The general drew a blank (but privately vowed afterward to hit the books).

More seriously, Clark managed to create confusion about his position on the war in Iraq?-opposition to which was supposed to be his calling card. Pressed by reporters, Clark said he "probably" would have voted last year for the congressional resolution that authorized George W. Bush to go to war. Suddenly, the Democratic establishment's beau ideal?-a four-star foe of the war, a MacArthur who could not be branded a McGovern?-seemed to fade into just another wishy-washy pol.

What Clark meant, his aides scurried to say, was that he would have voted aye only to pressure Saddam Hussein into allowing more inspections, and as a way of scaring the United Nations into taking more action. But that was the rationale many Democrats in the Senate (including Kerry and Clinton) used to justify their yes vote. Dean, by contrast, agreed with Gore: that a yes vote on the resolution was tantamount to giving Bush a strategic blank check, sanctioning the president's theory of pre-emptive war. Dean says he would have voted no; Rep. Dennis Kucinich actually did so.

Clark's new spinners blamed the confusion on reporters' refusal (or inability) to understand fine distinctions?-and on Clark's own naivete about the brutish simple-mindedness of the campaign press corps. Lacking infrastructure (his new press secretary was using her husband's cell phone), Clark personally printed from his computer a sheaf of his writings showing his passionate opposition to the war per se. "We screwed up, but we're learning," one aide said. In Iowa, he declared he "never would have voted for the war," though war was precisely what the resolution he "probably" would have supported authorized.

The sound of such spinning tires on D-Day alarmed party insiders. Many view Clark as their best hope for derailing Dean, who will raise more cash than anyone else this quarter, and who is leading in polls in key early states. Clark is surprisingly at ease with voters on the campaign trail, and his time on cable schooled him in sound-bite science. The organizational tasks are daunting, but the battle plan is clear: take off in New Hampshire, win the following week in places such as South Carolina, Missouri, Oklahoma and Arizona. Clark knows the old Army saying: plans are useless when the war starts. Can he adapt fast enough? Over at the White House, they profess not to take the general seriously. Based on history?-his own and the country's?-that could turn out to be a mistake.
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BumbleBeeBoogie
 
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Reply Sun 21 Sep, 2003 09:49 am
Time Magazine on Wes Clark
Sunday, Sep. 21, 2003 - Time Magazine
The General Jumps In
Wes Clark has launched a presidential bid that has a four-star luster. But is the antiwar general prepared for this kind of battle?
By KAREN TUMULTY

Wesley Clark was top of his class at West Point, a Rhodes scholar, a decorated four-star general and the man who humbled Slobodan Milosevic when Clark was Supreme Allied Commander in Europe. But if he made any impression at all on many Americans, it happened after he retired and found stardom on cnn as one of the smoothest and most antiwar of the corps of generals turned commentators during the Iraq war. So maybe it was not such a surprise that just 11/2 hours after Clark made another career leap last week, he could be found in his spartan Little Rock, Ark., office, remote control in hand, transfixed by the talking heads' first take on his newborn presidential campaign. "A placeholder for Hillary Rodham Clinton," Pat Buchanan huffed from the screen. "I think we're seeing the idea percolating here of a Clinton-Clark ticket." Clark sighed and hit the mute button. "Oh, brother," he said. "Politics."

Welcome aboard, sir. Clark's announcement that he was running landed like a rocket-propelled grenade in the messy bunker that is the Democratic presidential field. He's off to a late start, but thanks to an Internet-driven draft movement, Clark has the beginnings of an organization and the promise of millions of dollars. Making the rounds of Democratic salons in New York and Los Angeles in recent weeks, he has wowed some of the people who could gather millions more. Within 24 hours of getting into the race, Clark had a list of congressional endorsements more impressive than anyone else's except former House Democratic leader Dick Gephardt's.

But politics quickly proved a trickier terrain for the telegenic antiwar general than even the battlefields of Yugoslavia. Only a day after his announcement, Clark told reporters on his campaign plane that if he had been in Congress last fall, he probably would have voted for the resolution authorizing President Bush to use force in Iraq. In a single sentence he had undermined the rationale for his whole candidacy?-at least for those who saw him as Howard Dean with stars and a war record. Clark seems to have realized this himself, for the next day he reversed course. "I would never have voted for this war," he told the Associated Press. "I've gotten a very consistent record on this." His flip-flop delighted some of his rivals. "If it doesn't get any better than the first 24 hours," says a strategist for another Democrat, "he's going to be gone in two weeks." Dean's campaign manager, Joe Trippi, is warier. "The other campaigns make a mistake if they don't take him seriously," Trippi says. "It's going to take a month or two to know what to make of him."

What's most striking about the Clark boomlet is how little his supporters really know about the candidate in whom they have invested such sudden and stratospheric hopes?-a man who didn't declare himself a Democrat until a few weeks ago and who says he isn't sure whether he voted for a Democrat for President before Bill Clinton ran. "He can save this goddam nation from self-destruction," declares New York Congressman Charles Rangel, who is arranging a meeting for Clark with the Congressional Black Caucus, possibly as early as this week. But Rangel acknowledges that he has never met Clark in person (they have talked on the phone) and didn't know a thing about Clark until he started catching the general's criticism of the Iraq war on cnn. The same was true of Sylvia Gillis, 57, an insurance broker who was among the 50 or so people who gathered to toast Clark's candidacy last Wednesday night at Frankie Z's Clark Bar in Chicago. "My mouth dropped open?-a military man taking this antiwar position," she said. "He seemed honest, trustworthy, well versed and intellectual. My dream come true."

In fact, for Gillis and others like her who joined the draft-Clark movement that sprang up over the Internet this summer, there was something of a Field of Dreams quality to it all. They had built it; he had come. In that sense, the Clark blitz has less to do with the candidate than it does with the political landscape around him. Even as Democrats are beginning to believe for the first time that President Bush may actually be vulnerable, they are increasingly worried that they have not yet seen the Democrat who can beat him. Many are intrigued by the excitement and money that Dean has generated but are concerned that Dean is too dovish, too insubstantial, too cranky to survive the first presidential contest of the post-9/11 era. As for the rest of the field, it looks like a blur to most voters. "Frankly, none of them have gotten people very excited," says Eli Broad, a billionaire Los Angeles philanthropist who is one of the party's largest and most influential donors. "Wes Clark just might do it."

Adding luster to Clark's aura with dissatisfied Democrats is the perception that he is running with the benediction of Bill and Hillary Clinton. The former President has certainly stoked this impression; he has been talking up Clark's virtues in public and private for months, and a few weeks ago, he declared that his wife and Clark were the "two stars" of the Democratic Party. And no one could fail to notice that the Clark effort is salted with operatives from the campaigns of Clinton and Al Gore, like Mickey Kantor and Mark Fabiani.

The suppositions have left the Clintons in a difficult spot, say some of their associates. They don't want to say anything that makes them look as if they are distancing themselves from Clark, but they are uncomfortable with the perception that they favor him over any other candidate. Says an adviser to Hillary Clinton: "She just wants one of them to emerge, and just wants one of them to beat Bush." It appears that Hillary's husband knows which Democrat he wants to emerge: the junior Senator from New York. Two sources close to the Clintons have told TIME that the former President has been urging his wife in private to reconsider her pledge not to run for President in 2004 and pondering the most feasible way for her to back out of it.

For all the excitement he generated with his announcement, Clark's first days as a candidate were anything but smooth. Besides his waffle on the Iraq vote, he seemed uncertain about how to answer some straightforward questions that more experienced candidates handle with ease. When the Miami Herald asked his position on the death penalty, Clark endorsed a moratorium on executions, then pleaded, "Stop. Stop. I promised I wasn't going to take a strong position." His campaign first said he would participate with the nine others in this week's Democratic debate in New York, then said he wouldn't because he was committed to making a paid speech in Texas, then reversed again and said he would.

The mishaps did little to quell the private talk in Washington that Clark is a little bit, well, odd. Some saw a touch of Ross Perot in the man who implied in June that the Bush White House had pressured him to link 9/11 to Saddam Hussein, and then backtracked by saying the call had actually come from a Canadian think tank with access to "inside intelligence information." He also claimed the Administration had tried to get him fired from cnn. Clark insisted to TIME that he had never said that was anything more than a rumor.

On a post-announcement swing through Florida and Iowa, Clark deflected questions on issues that ranged from aids in Africa to the Patriot Act. But that did not dampen the enthusiasm of the supporters who greeted him wherever he went. "National security will be the primary topic during next year's election, and I believe he is the person who can beat George Bush," said Kate Lawrence, 52, a secretary from Dubuque who was part of the overflow crowd at a long-scheduled lecture Clark delivered Friday at the University of Iowa. A sampling of the audience's views suggests that Clark may be drawing supporters who might otherwise have gone to Dean or Massachusetts Senator John Kerry.

But it is fair to ask whether Clark will continue to appear so attractive as a candidate if things start looking up in Iraq. In his hour-long interview, Clark said he expects them to. "I want the United States to succeed," he said, adding that by the time the election rolls around, "I would be surprised if they hadn't achieved substantial troop reductions."

But a pacified Iraq, he insisted, does not change his rationale for running or his critique of the Bush Administration's foreign policy as both simplistic and destructive. "The election is about how to take the country forward," he said. "What's your real strategy for going after al-Qaeda now? Do you continue to take down states? Since we've gobbled up Iraq, why don't you send two divisions into Syria and take Syria out, and then drive over the pass to Beirut, sweep down into the Litani Valley and take out the Hizballah from the rear? It sounds logical, plain, neat and simple, but nothing ever is."

Clark is a smaller man than he appears to be on television, and more intense. As he talks, he leans forward on the front edge of his chair, elbows on knees, pulling out his buzzing Blackberry every few moments. (His campaign staff is threatening to take it away from him.) He is clearly at ease with some domestic policy issues?-dissecting the Bush tax cut, for instance, and citing a string of figures to explain why he wants to retain the breaks for the middle class while eliminating the ones for high-income Americans. On other subjects?-health care and education, for example?-his positions have not yet congealed, though he promises they will soon. And he has a depth of knowledge that can surprise people. When asked about forestry issues during a small dinner two weeks ago in Los Angeles, he said, "Do you want me to describe it vis-a-vis Idaho or Utah or Montana?"

Clark may be new to politics, but he insists he has done a risk assessment like any prudent general. "It isn't like any other endeavor," he says. "It's enormously complicated. You're dealing with a lot of factors you don't understand." At one point when he was trying to decide whether to run, his wife Gert suggested that he put all his thoughts on paper. Clark tried but then discarded his notes. "I realized I couldn't quite get it down," he says. Is he too late? Too untested? Too new to the game? "You just basically have to announce," Clark says, "and take your chances."

?-With reporting by Steve Barnes/ Little Rock, Simon Crittle/ New York, Kristin Kloberdanz/ Chicago, Betsy Rubiner/ Iowa City, Viveca Novak and Michael Weisskopf/ Washington and Jeffrey Ressner/ Los Angeles
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