Thomas wrote:On reflection, I disagree even with your distinction between economic and socio-political effects implications of the minimum wage.
Well, I am not necessarily making the argument that the minimum wage accomplishes even its sociopolitical goals. The comments I make here, then, should be understood with this in mind.
Thomas wrote:To a first approximation, economists believe that raising the minimum wage has two effects. (1) Some workers get a raise, which their employers pay. (2) Employers find that some jobs are no longer worth doing at the increased minimum wage. They lay off all workers who worked in those jobs, leaving these workers unemployed. The reason most economists donÂ’t like the minimum wage is effect #2. (Depending on the economist, they consider effect #1 either a gain or a wash. Accordingly, their opinion of this effect is either indifferent or favorable.) They consider effect #2 a loss for two reasons: (a) workers lose jobs even though employers would pay them a mutually agreeable price to do them. Conversely, (b) employers can't get jobs done even though they could find workers to do them at mutually agreeable terms.
Jobs at the lower end of the wage scale frequently disappear, regardless of the amount of the wage being offered or demanded. Although it is a general rule that machines replace human labor only when machines are less costly than human labor, there are intangible costs that make machines more attractive to employers even when human labor is cheap.
As an example, consider picking cotton. This job, prior to 1865, had the lowest wage possible -- $0 per hour. Even after the thirteenth amendment altered the prevailing economic paradigm, cotton picking remained a remarkably low paid job, and it continued that way into the 20th century. Nevertheless, cotton growers changed over to mechanical harvesters in preference to human labor. Introducing the minimum wage for cotton pickers might have accelerated the transition to machines, but the failure to introduce minimum wages for cotton pickers certainly did not prevent that transition. And the same is true in many other types of agricultural work, where the presence of an almost inexhaustible supply of cheap labor has not forestalled the introduction of machines and the elimination of jobs.
There are two points here: (1) the cost of wages is only one consideration for employers, and sometimes not the most important consideration, when determining whether to keep or eliminate jobs; and (2) if a job is worth doing, an employer will figure out a way to get it done. Whether that means that a human will do the job is another question entirely.
Thomas wrote:Now what is the socio-political consequence of effect #2? It is to stimulate the rise of an underclass, not to inhibit it. While the proverbial "working poor" do exist, most people who work arenÂ’t poor, and most poor people are unemployed. Hence, effect #2 tends to worsen poverty, not to alleviate it. With that in mind, I now contend that the choice you present between economic efficiency and the prevention of an underclass is mostly a false one.
Effect #2 doesn't increase poverty if the people who are jobless because of Effect #2 would be only marginally better off if they had jobs at a sub-minimum wage. If Worker descends into poverty because employers have eliminated jobs rather than pay a minimum wage, how much better off is he if he descends into poverty while fully employed at a job that pays a sub-minimum wage? You may see a difference between the man who sinks in a rowboat and the man who sinks in a yacht, but, in the end, they both drown.
Now, of course, the social democrat (to get back to the general theme of this thread) would argue that the social safety net should rescue the indigent Worker, regardless of whether he has a job or not. And there may be little practical difference between the state providing the unemployed Worker with 100% of his economic needs or providing the poorly paid Worker with 50% of his economic needs. In both cases the state is stepping in to provide a sociopolitical response to a perceived failing of marketplace mechanics, just as the minimum wage is a sociopolitical response to those failings.
It should also be remembered that, for the state, it may be preferable for a citizen to be on the dole than to be employed in a job that doesn't pay well. That's because state aid programs to the poor are not just the means of distributing social welfare, but they are also instruments of exercising social control. From the state's point of view, a jobless but complacent underclass, feeding off the state's largesse, is better than an poorly paid and discontented underclass. Of course, libertarians would protest most vehemently against this aspect of the question, and I am not saying that their protests are without merit, but that particular aspect of the question must also be considered in the minimum wage debate.