OBAMA'S "HARRY AND LOUISE" AD.
I was going to write a post about the health care exchange in last night's debate, noting that Hillary Clinton is basically arguing against Barack Obama's mandate from the wrong direction. The problem isn't that it leaves people out, but that it effectively closes off his ability to regulate the insurance industry, and opens up a flaw that could bring down his whole proposal. But before I do that, my inbox is full of e-mails this morning alerting me to his new mailer on health care. Here's what it looks like:
When I say that Obama is demagoguing universal health care, this sort of campaign literature is what I'm talking about. For contrast -- or more accurately, to see how little contrast there really is -- here's what the Harry and Louise ads looked like:
The Obama campaign kept their hairstyles and barely even changed their clothing [..]. What's worse is that the argument they're making is applicable to any kind of universal health care arrangement, including the arrangements Obama himself will eventually have to adopt.
An "automatic sign-up," a la Medicare, would still force Americans into health care they may not want to pay for, or may feel overburdened by. Some seniors feel overburdened by Medicare's cost-sharing now. Meanwhile, Obama not only has a mandate for kids in his own health care plan -- what if the parents can't pay, one might ask? -- but he said, in last night's debate, "If people are gaming the system, there are ways we can address that. By, for example, making them pay some of the back premiums for not having gotten it in the first place." That, of course, is exactly what a mandate does. Gaming the system, in this context, means not purchasing health care. And Obama is now threatening to force them to pay back premiums. That's a harsher penalty than anything Clinton has proposed.
Meanwhile, here's how Clinton should have explained the problem in Obama's plan: A central tenet of his proposal is that " No insurance companies will be allowed to discriminate because of a previous bout with cancer or some other pre-existing illness." You literally cannot have that rule without some mechanism forcing everyone to buy in, as the healthy will stay out. So one of two things will happen during the legislative process: Either a mandate will be added, or the prohibition against preexisting will be dropped, or limited to Obama's National Health Insurance Exchange. What will happen in that case is that the Exchange will largely become the domain of the public insurer, which will be a catch-all for the ill and unhealthy. Meanwhile, most insurers will operate outside the Exchange -- you don't have to buy insurance within the Exchange, it's just an option -- and use the existence of the Exchange to enhance their ability to skim the healthy and young and fob off the sick and old. A mandate is not how you cover everyone, it's how you force insurers to cover everyone, and discriminate against no one. And even if you don't have a mandate in your plan, to argue against universal mechanisms because they force people to buy insurance is supremely damaging to the long-term goal, which Obama professes support for, of some system in which everyone is, and has to be, covered.
Obama is, of course, right that affordability is an issue, and needs to be in place before a mandate. But what a mandate does is, additionally, force you to think about affordability. The Clinton campaign does that, with a plan that limits total expenditures to a percentage of income. Not a dollar amount, a percentage. If you make very little, your total expenditure, by law, can't be very much. Obama's plan has a more traditional subsidy mechanism that simply goes on a sliding scale by income, and given how much money goes towards his reinsurance plan, he's actually got less in there for subsidies than Clinton. So while he's warning that she'll make you pay even if you can't afford it, she's actually got the right affordability mechanisms in there -- she keeps it to a small percentage of income. By pretending her plan lacks those and is just a mandate, he's misrepresenting its fundamental premise, in much the way the Clinton campaign misrepresented his arguments on Social Security taxes.
In the end, his plan is not universal, does not attempt to be, and is probably less generous in its affordability provisions than Clinton's. And even so, I wouldn't really care, as it's still a pretty good plan, except that he's decided to respond to the inadequacies of his own policy by fear-mongering against not only better policy, but the type of policy he's probably going to have to eventually adopt. It's very, very short-sighted.
Posted by Ezra Klein on February 1, 2008 1:21 AM