nimh wrote:All that said, I still dont really know how they do it with the census, for example - whether they really not count origin etc, at all ...?
No, apparently not (looked it up). The only thing they register in the census, it seems, is whether someone .. a) was born in France, b) became a Frenchman by naturalisation or choice or c) is a foreigner. No further specification. This is in strong contrast to the Anglosaxon tradition of specifying one's ethnic group identity to some detail. (See
here for specimens of census forms).
European standards vary greatly. In Germany, too, a "decision of the Federal Constitutional Court bann[ed] the collection of ethnic data". But nationality
is counted in the census, and since Germany has a very strict citizenship law, most immigrants and even many of their children still have a foreign nationality. And thus the Federal Statistical Office has
a wealth of data available, anyway, about the number of Turks, Yugoslavs, Poles etc in Germany.
In France, however, the very liberal citizenship laws mean that most immigrants and their children are of nationality French. And ethnicity is not asked about or counted. As a result the census cant say much, whatsoever, about their numbers. An interesting
OSI article about European standards on collecting ethnic data has this to say about it:
Quote:Although censuses are the most important data source, limitations in the scope and usage of census data are considerable. The main limitations are political in nature and they are due to the close relationship between a country’s policy on ethnic, religious and language minorities and the availability of official statistical data, especially census data.
Where minorities have no official recognition, national statistical institutes usually follow exactly the same policy. In France, for instance, the INSEE does not collect any data on language, religious or ethnic groups, on the principle of the secular and unitary nature of the French Republic. A recent sample survey by INED and INSEE on the spatial mobility and social integration of immigrants in France included questions on ethnic origins and religious practices of immigrants for the first time. It provoked a violent debate among demographers and policy makers about the “political correctness” and validity of such questions. Restrictions are also applied in other unitary States, such as Greece and Turkey, where the Statistical Institutes do not publish any statistical information which could run counter to the homogeneity proclaimed by the State, except for the minority groups which were recognised in 1923 in the Peace Treaty of Lausanne.
As a
related OSI article summarises: "France presents another extreme: the proclaimed unitary character of the Republic does not accommodate the notion of a “minority,” and accordingly no ethnic data collection is authorised."
The Dutch, meanwhile, work more according to Anglosaxon standards. For example, on this
Central Bureau of Statistics page you can see that for both the actual immigrants and their children who were born here, their "group of origin" is specified as Moroccan, Surinamese, etc.
The OSI articles again specify why this is done:
- "The approach adopted in the UK (and the Netherlands) has been strongly influenced by the North American tradition of race relations and ethnic relations, with the aim of combating racial discrimination and ethnic inequality. [..] Nowadays, most official statistical surveys in the UK make a distinction based on ethnic groups whose integration is the key focus of interest."
- "The UK has an advanced anti-discrimination framework in place, providing for gathering data on the basis of ethnicity and race."
Without collecting data on ethnic groups in society, its hard to measure to what extent discrimination takes place, too. The risk is that, by shaping the statistical practice on the basis of the unitary ideal, like France does (each citizen is equal, and thus we should not discriminate between them by applying labels or categories) - one becomes unable to measure to what extent the day-to-day reality does not
match that ideal of equality and non-discrimination. Instead of tackling the actual problems of discrimination and unequality and the challenges of cultural difference, you end up trying to make them invisible - superimposing the ideal of the unitary nation of equal citizens over them as if just reasserting that ideal will make the divergences from it in real life go away.
I dont speak Portuguese myself, but just going on the words that I can recognize, I think the website that has the specimens of census forms concludes the same thing:
Quote:No contexto francês, o uso de eufemismos ou a rejeição ao uso de termos de identificação étnicos pode representar uma outra forma de ocultação de relações de poder. O modelo de integração dominante impõe uma invisibilidade nominal, uma negação da alteridade, às "minorias étnicas" nacionais.
Again - in nations that insist on being "colourblind", people of colour tend to end up just being invisible - with no recourse for having their specific, "Other" needs, requirements and experiences met and acted on.