Butrflynet wrote:Nimh,
Thought you'd be interested in this since it could skew your charts a bit.
Dunno. Obama still got 49% of the Republicans voting in the Democratic primary in Ohio. Just as much as Hillary. So if, say, it hadnt been possible for Republicans to cast a vote in the Democratic primary, you'd have weeded out the "Limbaugh voters", but Obama wouldnt have won a single percentage point, the end results would still be exactly the same.
If there were a way to separate genuine Republican cross-over voters from those just having a go at the process, that would be cool. But I dont see a clean way to do that. Yes, you could filter out the votes of people who scribbled something like, "For one day only" on their pledge cards. Except that I imagine the ballots and pledge cards were collected/kept separately, so there's no way to count 'em. And while there were a great many cross-over Republicans, the number who actually scribbled some kind of qualification on their pledge card must be relatively limited - "dozens and dozens" wont amount to a percentage point.
It's interesting though, for sure. Especially how localised it is: more than a third of the Republicans in Solon and Bay Village switching, just under half of those in Pepper Pike. Must have been some "neighbour drive" going on. So that's a good reason to not attach too great a value to results by individual precinct.
But on county level the effect is already a lot less significant. "16,000-plus Republicans in Cuyahoga County switched parties" - thats still just 5% of the total number of primary voters in that county. So it doesnt seem like it would have effected the outcomes by county I mapped on the other page very strongly, for example -- especially since a fair share of those 16,000 will have been the kind of cross-over voters that Obama has been getting out successfully everywhere. But it might have inflated Hillary's numbers more in rural counties, where the total number of votes was much lower, and it took fewer plotters to impact the vote.
As for the state-wide picture: according to the exit polls, at least, Republicans made up 9% of the Ohio Dem primary voters; same in Texas. In comparison, in Virginia it was 7%, in Wisconsin 9%, in Illinois 6%, so that's not especially high. It suggests that overall the "Limbaugh voters" made up perhaps 2-3% of the primary voters.