sozobe wrote:Hey poll dude (that's you, nimh ;-)), what do you make of the discrepancy between the last batch of polls and the results?
Well, in the end, voters are humans and the ways of humans are deep and mysterious. Or superficial and mysterious, maybe. :-)
OK, I'll give it a shot. OK, some random shots.
I dont think there is a single reason for Hillary's surprise surge in the actual vote. I dont buy that it was just "the tears", or "Bill's speech".
But here's a smart observation by commenter Petey on Matt Yglesias' blog:
"Folks tend to forget how much of an election gets decided in the last 48 hours, which is after most to all of the polling gets done.
You can have a perfectly accurate poll which is upended by the late surge. Elections tend to break at the end in one direction rather than the other.
Between Hill's tears and Bill's rant, the Clintons owned TV coverage in the last 48 hours. That matters."
Now there's an essential thing to realise here about the polls. In the other thread, Butrflynet asked rhetorically, "Have the polls ever been so wrong?" But what did the polls get so wrong? Hillary's support and Hillary's support only, Matt Yglesias himself points out in that blog entry. And he's got a graph to argue it with:
Quote: How Wrong Were The Polls?
Commenter Brian makes an observation "No one is talking about how the polls actually nailed Obama's number. Obama didn't lose this election. He stayed steady and Hillary surged ahead." That seems to be true. Here's a chart comparing the actual results to the most recent Pollster.com current standard estimate polling average.
Just as Brian says, the difference between the Obama poll level and the Obama vote total level seems to just be your basic statistical variance. The pollsters underestimated Clinton's level of support. People who were undecided as of the last round of polling seem to have gone overwhelmingly in her direction.
Interesting, no? The comparison you made above with the table already showed the same thing: the polls were actually very close to both Obama's and Edwards' support. It's only Hillary that remained completely underreported.
Obama getting as much as he was polled for certainly seems to belie, at first blush, the argument that Obama suffered from many of his potential voters staying home, or voting McCain in the Republican race instead, out of a sense of "less urgency" being involved in the Democratic race.
(Another problem with that theory that Obama was leading Hillary in the polls by roughly the same margin as McCain led Romney, so it's not immediately clear why those polls would have made people think McCain needed their vote more.)
So if polls were "only" off on Hillary, where did Hillary get that extra 10% from? If neither Obama nor Edwards got much less than they had been polling for? The undecideds, say Yglesias and Brian. The polls still had about 10% undecideds on average, and since Hillary got 10% extra and noone else moved, she must have mopped up that 10%.
That's too facile, I think. Reality doesn't conform to such straightforward equations. If you see +10% or -5% on the last day, it's just the sum of people both coming in and going out, there'll be some of both. It's not like every last undecided voter really went to Hillary that last day - far from it, as Cyclo pointed out.
But still, if you'd go just on the media's talking points, you'd think that massive numbers of would-be Obama voters switched to Hillary at the last moment. But considering that Obama actually got pretty much what he was polling for, that doesnt seem so logical. Some of Hillary's surge must have come from the undecideds instead. And you could also read the exit polls as confirming this. I mean, among those who decided sometime last week, Hillary got just 28%; among those who decided in the last three days, she got 34%; and among those who decided just today, 39%.
But there's another dimension still. From what I understand, one of the major uncertainties in a poll's set-up, the single main one even, is not necessarily in how it pegs the proportions between the candidates among the likely voters it identifies; it's in whether its model of who
is a "likely voter" is correct.
Like, almost every pollster uses a "likely voter" model to filter the results it gets - fine, they say, the raw data says Hillary has X%, but are all those people actually likely to turn out? And different pollsters use different methods to estimate whether someone is likely to actually vote or not. And that's perhaps where the biggest gamble is.
Part of the method might be based on whether people voted before, but what if today's candidates mobilise a distinctly different selection of possible voters than yesterday's? Part of the method might be based on how sure people say they are to go vote, but what if some last-moment development spurs one or the other demographic more to vote than others?
That's what commenter Dan Kervick posited: "Matt is wrong. Undecideds broke equally for Clinton and and Obama. The polls underestimated the extremely high level of Democratic voter turnout from Clinton's urban base." Along the same lines, commenter Brian wrote that "the polling shows Obama won all his traditional areas of college educated, wealthy, etc, [and] Hillary won her demographics" - so if you want to explain the results, he implies, you gotta look at which of those demographics turned out more strongly. Figure out why women suddenly turned out for Clinton in such large numbers, for example.
Now I dont know - to check out whether that's true you'd need to compare the turnout in, say, Manchester (city with blue-collar districts) vs that in Keene (college town), and then compare both with what turnout was in those locales in previous elections. That way you could see whether the proportion in turnout numbers between the two towns has shifted starkly. Or, in the same vein, you'd need to look at how turnout among college-educated women now compares to previous election cycles, in comparison with how turnout among other demographics increased. If it increased clearly above average, then it might be Hillary mobilising her basis more successfully than Obama rather than the switching of voters between camps that played the biggest role. I aint gonna do that tho.. ;-)
There is a depressing explanation in this context, which which Rjb just mentioned, and which Yglesias hints at: "note the relevance of this to Wilder/Bradley effect speculations". Eg - the theory that white people dont want to vote for a black man, but dont want to admit this even when questioned anonymously by a pollster. They'd answer - say - oh I have no preference, I dont know yet, I'm not going to vote. And then in the shelter of the voting booth, vote for the white candidate after all. That might have played a role among those older / blue-collar / urban voters.
Could be. It would be a way to explain the difference between Iowa, where Obama did much better than he'd been doing in the polls in the course of those very public caucuses, and New Hampshire, where he didnt do any better than he'd done in the polls in a secret vote.
But then, what weighs against that again is that you'd expect that Hillary, as a woman, would suffer herself from a similar effect as well (men who wouldnt
admit that they could not vote for a woman, but go for a male candidate in the voting booth after all). And that the kind of person who would refuse to vote for a black man would hardly rush to support
Hillary instead..