Sofia wrote:Europe is old as the hills and set in their ways.
I would argue with that. Europe is, as far as I know, the only continent on which such a far-reaching realignment of government authority has taken place, in the course of the last fifteen years alone. It involved previously embattled states voluntarily ceding administrative competences - as well as legacies of 'centuries of ethnic hatred' - to what essentially was quite an experiment. European integration, in all its slow, tortuous processes spanning decades rather than years, is still one of the most daring reform projects on statehood since the emergence of the nation-state and decolonisation. In short: apparently Europe is not at all as set in its ways as all that.
It has in fact shown itself to be ready to embark on projects - an economic union, a monetary union, now a political union - that are so in contradiction to its history of bloody battles, alternating imperial projects and ever-switching ententes and axises, that many across the Atlantic apparently have some trouble reconciling them with their preconceptions of what 'Europe' is about. They see the wrangling and the twisting about this and that treaty, which reconfirms their image of the ever-divided Europe, but also the actual reality of ever more far-reaching integration and co-operation, and apparently have some difficulties deciding which is the face of the "real" Europe. Thing is -
both are the face of the real Europe today.
Each country still has its interests, sometimes rival interests, but instead of defending them on the battlefield or even the marketplace, they fight them out in the fog of negotiations and PR. The new thing, if you're taking one step back, is not so much that countries are now twisting about what exactly should be
in the constitution - but that they're drafting one at all.
I would say that, in its actual devolvement of power from national government to both the supra-national
and the regional level (take devolution in the UK, for example), the EU countries are actually tackling the challenges of the postmodern era in a more flexible way than governments elsewhere. Wouldn't Latin America, Africa or Asia benefit enormously if they'd take anything like the same steps to opening borders and relativating capitals? Many current "ethnic" conflicts would, I believe, abate if both regionalism and transnationalism were given their proper place more.
If anyone says that's naive, idealistic, that it would be contrary to human nature (of which the nation-state, I gather then, would be the 'natural' expression), I could use your "set in their ways" argument in response. The nation-state is a relatively modern phenomenon, one that emerged in the past two-and-a-bit centuries to reflect new social and economic realities; as these realities keep on transforming so will the concepts of statehood and collective identity. The EU may still falter, struggle and stumble on its further way, but at least Europe is trying to devise answers to the questions those transformations will bring.
And it is good to have it falter and stumble a bit, so that the process will be appropriately gradual; an all-at-once brave new project would be doomed to fail. Perhaps an 'ambiguity-makes-it-work' tack, derived from what george suggests, is a fittingly postmodern way to build these new constructions of statehood and identity, so that we may get there without the glory and bravery, but also without the civil war, that made America.